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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
nce, discovered this prevailing impression concerning Seward, and did his best in private conversation and a letter to the London Times to remove it. Seward's Life, vol. III. pp. 29, 30, 37; Weed's Life, vol. II. pp. 355-361. The Duchess of Sutherland evidently wrote with the same thought her letter to Seward, Dec. 8, 1861. Seward's Life, vol. III. p. 32. Cobden, however, took him less seriously, thinking him a kind of American Thiers or Palmerston or Russell, talking to Bunkum. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. p. 386. The Duke of Argyll, a member of the British cabinet, the only member altogether sympathetic with our cause, wrote to Sumner as early as June 4, 1861:— I write a few lines very earnestly to entreat that you will use your influence and official authority to induce your government, and especially Mr. Seward, to act in a more liberal and a less reckless spirit than he is supposed here to indicate towards foreign governments, and especially towards oursel
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
ge party in that country was watching for a pretext to push intervention in favor of the rebellion. Three fourths of the House of Commons, as Cobden wrote, will be glad to find an excuse for voting for the dismemberment of the great republic. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 388-390. He wrote to Bright, December 6: I doubt whether another year's blockade will be borne by the world. What say you? If you agree, you should let Sumner know. The Cabinet, while maintaining the forms of nessages from the secretary's despatches to which the senator objected. (Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln, collected by A. T. Rice, Paper by John B. Alley, p. 579.) Sumner assured Cobden of Seward's pacific disposition, but Cobden was distrustful. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 386, 391. While the matter was pending the senator was almost daily with the President, and often with the secretary, constantly urging that every honorable effort should be made, not only to settle the present dif
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
ight (who rather likes to battle with the long odds against him), that thinks you can put down the rebellion. See Cobden's letter to Paulton, January, 1862, in Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. p. 390. Cobden at first had leanings towards the South, influenced by his free-trade sentiments and his repugnance to war, but he soon came right under the inspiration of Bright. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 372, 373. He had been impressed during his visits to this country with the material resources of the free States, and did not share the common English opinion that the suppression of the rebellion was improbable; but he had no faith, when that rof the pursuits of peace, and sure, if the contest were prolonged, to bring on foreign intervention. Letter of Cobden to Sumner, in manuscript, July 11, 1862. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. p. 401. The Duke of Argyll wrote Sumner, July 12, to the same effect. Thus hampered by economical opinions and want of faith, he was
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
64, Jan. 17, 1865; Works, vol. IX. pp. 141-173. Other writers who took his view in the discussion were Theophilus Parsons, George Bemis, and C. F. Dunbar; but on the other side were Goldwin Smith and Prof. Henry W. Torrey, —the latter writing with the signature of Privatus. Cobden, in the last letter but one which he wrote to Sumner, objected to his use of England's old doings as an excuse for your present shortcomings; and thought the vessel should have been promptly returned to Brazil. （Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 459, 460.) The vessel went to the bottom in Hampton Roads shortly after in a collision. Our government disavowed the acts of the American officers in making the seizure. During the war several of Sumner's friends, whom he had long cherished, were severed from him by death. Mr. Giddings died at Montreal, May 27, 1864, where he was serving as consulgeneral. He kept up a correspondence with Sumner on affairs in this country and our relations with Canada.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
nvention of Massachusetts, adding the expression of his individual grief. Works, vol. IX. pp. 498, 499. A friend of Cobden, who had introduced Sumner to him many years before (Joseph Parkes), died a few months later. His last letter to Sumner, April 5 of the same year, gave an account of Cobden's last days and an estimate of his character. Cobden's last letter Extracts from the two letters preceding the last from Mr. Cobden, dated Aug. 18, 1864, and Jan. 11, 1865, may be found in Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 446, 459. to Sumner was written March 2, just one month before his death. He wrote:— I feel it a pleasant duty to give you my best congratulations on the recent proceedings within and without your halls of Congress. The vote on the amendment of the Constitution was a memorable and glorious event in your history. Another incident—that of your introduction of a colored man to the Supreme Court—was hardly less interesting. In all these proceedings at Wa<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
u will not seek the office; it must seek you. Three of Sumner's English friends died at this period,—Lord Cranworth, Lord Wensleydale, and the Duchess of Sutherland. he had become intimate with the two former on his visit to England as a youth, and with the duchess on his two later visits. Writing to the Duchess of Argyll, he referred to the many tombs which had opened for those to whom he had been attached. Among English travellers calling on him in this or the preceding year were John Morley, G. Shaw Lefevre, and Leslie Stephen. From his French acquaintance, M. Chevalier, came the expression of the wish that he would take the mission to France. Chevalier wrote concerning the proposed canal between the Atlantic and the Pacific, expressing his belief that the Nicaragua route was the only practicable one. The chief Act of the third session of the Fortieth Congress, Dec. 7, 1868, to March 4, 1869, was the passage of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution, which ordai