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utenant-general and left a vacancy among the major-generals, to which Grant promptly nominated Hancock, who thus received both his promotions from his old cadet comrade. But during the Reconstruction period, they took different sides. Grant believed that Congress was right in the long struggle with Andrew Johnson, but Hancock espoused the views of the President. Grant at first had no suspicion of the leaning of Hancock, and when it became apparent that Johnson was determined to remove Sheridan from command at New Orleans and substitute Hancock, the General-in-Chief sent a staff officer to warn him of the purpose of the President, and of what he considered its mischievous tendency. Hancock, however, was ordered by Johnson to report at Washington before he went to New Orleans, and Grant, who was now convinced that Johnson's course was full of danger to the country, went in person to visit Hancock at his rooms in Willard's Hotel to put him on his guard. But Hancock had already det
hat he could to enforce the measures enacted by Congress. He shared the sentiment of Grant and Sheridan and Pope and Meade and Halleck and Canby, all of whom believed that the law was to be obeyed. committed by the Legislature. In consequence the President became as hostile to Sickles as to Sheridan or Pope. Sickles had been appointed a Colonel in the regular army by Johnson on the recommendanstruction system; but he was also one of those removed by the President during the period when Sheridan and Stanton became the objects of Johnson's hostility. But Grant stood by Sickles as he did by Sheridan. When the two generals arrived in Washington from their commands, the General-in-Chief held a reception at his house to mark his approval of their course. The party was largely attended rtesies. One of the first executive acts of Grant as President was to offer to re-instate both Sheridan and Sickles in the positions from which his predecessor had removed them. In the meantime, how
ly, and interchanged views upon the steps that should be taken to hasten the expulsion of the French and Maximilian. After this Grant and Romero were not thrown together until four or five months later, when the end of the Southern Rebellion enabled the victorious general to convert some of his views in regard to Mexico into action. When Grant arrived in Washington, after the surrender of Lee, Romero promptly called on him, and Grant informed the Minister of the purport of his orders to Sheridan, for the cavalry general had been sent at once to the Rio Grande to watch the Mexican frontier. From this time the Northern soldier and the Southern diplomatist worked in harmony. Grant, as I have earlier shown, was extremely annoyed at the delay in the action of our own Government and thought the French Emperor should have been notified at once to withdraw his troops from Mexico. He had many conferences with the Mexican Minister on the subject; even expressing a desire to go at the head
to his dignity and happiness and renown, sometimes unfortunate in the last degree. He was the friend of General Sherman and of Ferdinand Ward, of Dr. Newman and Hamilton Fish, of George Child and the King of Siam, of Rawlins, Belknap, Babcock, Sheridan; of a man named Hillyer, now forgotten, and of Abraham Lincoln; of Roscoe Conklin, Fitz-John Porter and John A. Logan. Many of his early friendships were not with distinguished people, but the manner in which he adhered to these was character, a tent-mate in Louisiana or Mexico, always had a claim upon him that he recognized. He preferred West Point men as soldiers, he loved them as friends. Whether it was prejudice or partiality, or what not, he thought higher even of Sherman and Sheridan because they were graduates of the Academy; and all through the war and afterward men like Ingalls and Wallen and Dent had peculiar relations with him because of this earlier intimacy. Some richly deserved the retention of the tie; others not a
referred to was W. F. Smith. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., Oct. 23d, 1870. Dear Badeau,—I am in receipt of your letter in which you speak of the article you propose writing for the British press, and of getting something from Sheridan to aid you in preparing it. I have rec'd but one letter from Sheridan since he has been with the Prussians. It is probably too late for that letter to be of service to you; but I send it. It will at least interest you.—I also send you a review Sheridan since he has been with the Prussians. It is probably too late for that letter to be of service to you; but I send it. It will at least interest you.—I also send you a review of the reviewer Adams, by Senator Howe. The Adams' do not possess one noble trait of character that I ever heard of, from old John Adams down to the last of all of them, H. B.—In writing your second volume I would advise to steer clear of criticisms of persons on account of your personal acquaintance. For instance you know personally much more of Butler, Meade and others, against whom prejudice may exist, than any one could learn from any authentic record. I would give them all the credit th
f Grant's strong feeling on the subject of the removal of Sheridan. headquarters armies of the United States. Washinghe command of the Department of the Missouri by Major-General P. H. Sheridan, Major-General Hancock will proceed directly tofficers in command of Military Departments. Major-General P. H. Sheridan will at once turn over his present command to te time since orders were issued, at the suggestion of General Sheridan, authorizing all officers then absent from the 5th Mintemplated change of commanders. In fact, it orders General Sheridan to turn over his command to an officer absolutely incange this part of your instructions so as to admit of General Sheridan remaining where he now is until relieved by an office the responsibility thus imposed on me. I approve all General Sheridan's orders to this date, and therefore must insist on ichapters treating of events in which Generals Sherman and Sheridan held detached commands were submitted to those officers.