hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 54 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 42 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 17 1 Browse Search
James Redpath, The Public Life of Captain John Brown 16 0 Browse Search
Mary Thacher Higginson, Thomas Wentworth Higginson: the story of his life 10 0 Browse Search
James Redpath, The Roving Editor: or, Talks with Slaves in the Southern States. 8 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 6 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 4 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays 4 0 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 4 0 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Your search returned 190 results in 40 document sections:

1 2 3 4
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., chapter 3 (search)
; and when he first introduced the bill, he never thought of it ; but still he fights furiously for the proposition, and that he did it because there was a standing instruction to our Senators to be always introducing Nebraska, bills. He tells you he is for the Cincinnati platform, he tells you he is for the Dred Scott decision. He tells you, not in his speech last night, but substantially in a former speech, that he cares not if slavery is voted up or down — he tells you the struggle on Lecompton is past — it may come up again or not, and if it does he stands where he stood when in spite of him and his opposition you built up the Republican party. If you indorse him, you tell him you do not care whether slavery be voted up or down, and he will close, or try to close your mouths with his declaration, repeated by the day, the week, the month, and the year. Is that what you mean? [Cries of no, one voice yes. ] Yes, I have no doubt you who have always been for him, if you mean that.
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., chapter 4 (search)
the Republican lenders forming an alliance with professed Lecompton men to defeat every Democratic nominee and elect Republic and defending them in order to help them break down Anti-Lecompton men, whom they acknowledge did right in their opposition to Lecompton. The only hope that Mr. Lincoln has of defeating me for the Senate rests in the fact, that I was faithful to myable in consequence of that fact to form a coalition with Lecompton men, who wish to defeat me for that fidelity. This isthe grave upon that subject. Behold Mr. Lincoln courting Lecompton votes, in order that he may go to the Senate as the repre is over. Every Republican paper taxes ground with my Lecompton enemies, encouraging them, stimulating them in their oppog my friends bolters from the Democratic party, and their Lecompton allies the true Democratic party of the country. If they that they were proscribed because of their opinions upon Lecompton or any other question, for the Convention expressly decla
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Senator Douglas, delivered July 17, 1858, at Springfield, III (Mr. Lincoln was not present.) (search)
nstead of a slaveholding State ; and as an evidence of this fact I wish you to bear in mind that my speech against that Lecompton act was made on the 9th day of December, nearly two weeks before the vote was taken on the acceptance or rejection of tication of saying to you that I do not believe that that controversy will ever arise again ; first, because the fate of Lecompton is a warning to the people of every Territory and of every State to be cautious how the example is repeated; and secondilled by the unanimous vote, in one form or another of both Houses of Congress. If you will remember that pending this Lecompton controversy that gallant old Roman, Kentucky's favorite son, the worthy successor of the immortal Clay-I allude, as youLecompton Constitution or its supporters. He is as silent as the grave upon that subject. Behold Mr. Lincoln courting Lecompton votes, in order that he may go to the Senate as the representative of Republican principles! You know that that allian
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., chapter 6 (search)
o understand it. He declares the dividend of credit for defeating Lecompton upon a basis which seems unprecedented and incomprehensible. Let us see. Lecompton in the raw was defeated. It afterward took a sort of cooked up shape, and was passed in the English bill. It is said in favor of himself on this point, he reminds us that he opposed Lecompton before the vote was taken declaring whether the State was to be f say that our Republican Senator, Trumbull, made a speech against Lecompton even before he did. Why did he oppose it? Partly, as he declmade a little while before the election of the delegates who made Lecompton. In that speech he declared there was every reason to hope and bade, substantially, the very argument with which he combatted his Lecompton adversaries in the Senate last winter. I pointed to the facts th nation so well knew. I now pass from popular sovereignty and Lecompton. I may have occasion to refer to one or both. When he was pr
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fifth joint debate, at Galesburgh, October 7, 1858. (search)
or to avail myself of the amnesty granted on that condition. The fact that the supporters of Lecompton were willing to forgive all differences of opinion at that time in the event those who opposed it favored the English bill, was an admission they did not think that opposition to Lecompton impaired a man's standing in the Democratic party. Now the question arises, what was that English bill upon which the Democracy of Illinois now stand. And yet, notwithstanding the fact, that every Lecompton and anti-Lecompton Democrat in the free States has abandoned the English bill, you are told th in the United States in my place. The very men who acknowledge that I was right in defeating Lecompton, now form an alliance with Federal office-holders, professed Lecompton men, to defeat me, becaLecompton men, to defeat me, because I did right. My political opponent, Mr. Lincoln, has no hope on earth, and has never dreamed that he had a chance of success, were it not for the aid that he is receiving from Federal office-hol
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., The last joint debate, at Alton, October 15, 1858. (search)
ose not to depart from principle for the sake of expediency in the Lecompton question, and I never intend to do it on that or any other question. But I am told that I would have been all right if I had only voted for the English bill after Lecompton was killed. You know a general pardon was granted to all political offenders on the Lecompton question provided they would only vote for the English bill. I did not accept the benefits of that pardon, for the reason that I had been right in te she applied, without. regard to population, I would have had no trouble. You saw the whole power and patronage of the Federal Government wielded in Indiana, Ohio, and Pennsylvania to re-elect anti-Lecompton men to Congress who voted against Lecompton, then voted for the English bill, and then denounced the English bill, and pledged themselves to their people to disregard it. My sin consists in not having given a pledge, and then in not having afterward forfeited it. For that reason, in this
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History, Chapter 8. (search)
a right to it; if she wants a free-State constitution, she has a right to it. It is none of my business which way the slavery clause is decided. I care not whether it is voted down or voted up. Do you suppose, after the pledges of my honor that I would go for that principle and leave the people to vote as they choose, that I would now degrade myself by voting one way if the slavery clause be voted down, and another way if it be voted up? I care not how that vote may stand. . . . Ignore Lecompton; ignore Topeka; treat both those party movements as irregular and void; pass a fair bill — the one that we framed ourselves when we were acting as a unit; have a fair election-and you will have peace in the Democratic party, and peace throughout the country, in ninety days. The people want a fair vote. They will never be satisfied without it . . . But if this constitution is to be forced down our throats in violation of the fundamental principle of free government, under a mode of submiss
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 9: proceedings in Congress.--departure of conspirators. (search)
ts development, startles and amazes the world by its extent and power, is not the work of a day; it is the labor of a generation.... This wicked plot for the dismemberment of the Confederacy, which has now assumed such fearful proportions, was known to some of our elder statesmen. Thomas H. Benton ever raised his warning voice against the conspirators. I can never forget the terrible energy of his denunciations of the policy and acts of the nullifiers and secessionists. During the great Lecompton struggle, in the winter of 1858, his house was the place of resort of several members of Congress, who sought his counsels, and delighted to listen to his opinions. In the last conversation I had with him, but a few days before he was prostrated by mortal disease, he declared that the disunionists had prostituted the Democratic party --that they had complete control of the Administration; that these conspirators would have broken up the Union, if Colonel Fremont had been elected; that th
James Redpath, The Roving Editor: or, Talks with Slaves in the Southern States., Slavery in Kansas. (search)
gered the success of the Democracy in pending State elections; or, rather, until he resolutely and publicly declared at Lecompton that he would not any longer be deceived and used by the ruffians. Mr. Woodson, the Secretary of State, thrice the Ato endeavor to impose a fraudulent constitution on an unwilling people. Johnson has not been reinstated. He opposed Lecompton. When Lawrence was surrounded by a Missouri mob, in December, 1856, a peaceful and good man was going homeward with long office. Since the above was in type, Clark has been found dead on the prairie! He met his fate in returning to Lecompton to close up his business there. Jones — faithful sheriff — whose recent presence, when the war raged, was indicaterse-thieves, and house-breakers from Missouri, Georgia, Alabama, and South Carolina. An immense posse was gathering at Lecompton to sack the town of Lawrence. The firm had about a hundred men at their establishment preparing to start across the pr
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 17 (search)
eder William Philips John W. Whitfield civil War in Kansas Wm. Dow sheriff Jones nomination of Fremont President Fillmore at Albany election of Buchanan Lecompton Wyandot admission of Kansas as a Free State. Franklin Pierce was inaugurated President on the 4th of March, 1853. Never were the visible omens more auspicid and surprised by various parties of enemies, part of them under Gen. Atchison, who, with the Platte County rifles, and two pieces of artillery, approached from Lecompton on the west, while another force, composed in good part of the volunteers from the Atlantic Southern States, under Col. Buford, beleaguered it on the east. Theyeach party held its own conventions and elections independent of the other. The pro-Slavery Legislature called a Constitutional Convention in 1857, which met at Lecompton on the first Monday of September. That Convention proceeded, of course, to form a pro-Slavery Constitution, which they pretended to submit to the people at an e
1 2 3 4