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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 644 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 128 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 104 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 74 0 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 66 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 50 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 50 0 Browse Search
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley 50 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 48 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 42 0 Browse Search
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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Origin of the late war. (search)
vote except the South Carolina senators, who had withdrawn. They proposed to adopt, in effect, the Missouri compromise line, to prohibit Congress from abolishing the slave trade between the States, or slavery in places where the United States had exclusive jurisdiction, or in the District of Columbia, without the consent of Maryland and of the slaveholders, and proposed a more effectual provision for the recovery of fugitive slaves. For these, a substitute was offered by Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire, declaring, amongst other things, that the provisions of the constitution are ample for the preservation of the Union, and the resolutions of Mr. Crittenden were voted down, and the substitute adopted by a united vote of the Republicans. Says Lunt: The vote of the Republican members of the Senate was a blank denial of the necessity of compromise, and showed, of course, that they had deliberately made up their minds to refuse any negotiation. （Lunt's Origin of the War, p. 411). The adop
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), A vindication of Virginia and the South. (search)
protection. Under these doctrines we and our fathers grew up, and we were taught to regard them with a reverence almost holy and to believe in them with quite a religious belief. In the war that ensued, the Colonies triumphed; and in the treaty of peace, Great Britain acknowledged each one of her devolted Colonies to be a nation, endowed with all the attributes of sovereignty, independent of her, of each other, and of all other temporal powers whatsoever. These new-born nations were New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia--thirteen in all. At that time all the country west of the Alleghany mountains was a wilderness. All that part of it which lies north of the Ohio river and east of the Mississippi, called the Northwest Territory, and out of which the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin and a part of Minnesota have since been carved,
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The treatment of prisoners during the war between the States. (search)
rocured for them — and in fact that no distinction has been made between their treatment and that of our own sick and wounded men. Moreover, it is proved that it has been the constant practice to supply to the patients, out of the hospital funds, such articles as milk, butter, eggs, tea and other delicacies, when they were required by the condition of the patient. This is proved by the testimony of E. P. Dalrymple of New York, George Henry Brown of Pennsylvania, and Freeman B. Teague of New Hampshire, whose depositions accompany this report, Contrast. This humane and considerate usage was not adopted in the United States hospital on Johnson's Island, where Confederate sick and wounded officers were treated. Colonel J. H. Holman thus testifies: The Federal authorities did not furnish to the sick prisoners the nutriment and other articles which were prescribed by their own surgeons. All they would do was to permit the prisoners to buy the nutriment or stimulants needed; and if
John D. Billings, Hardtack and Coffee: The Unwritten Story of Army Life, I. The tocsin of war. (search)
tnessed at the various railway stations, as the men boarded the trains for Boston. When these Marblehead companies arrived at that city the enthusiasm was something unprecedented, and as a new detachment appeared in the streets it was cheered to the echo all along its line of march. The early months of the war were stirring ones for Boston; for not only did the most of the Massachusetts regiments march through her streets en route for the seat of war, but also the troops from Maine and New Hampshire as well, so that a regiment halted for rest on the Common, or marching to the strain of martial music to some railway station, was at times a daily occurrence. It has always seemed to me that the Three months men have never received half the credit which the worth of their services to the country deserved. The fact of their having been called out for so short a time as compared with the troops that came after them, and of their having seen little or no fighting, places them at a dis
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1., Organization of the two governments. (search)
ne (1864-8） Kansas Governor Charles Robinson (1861-3） Governor Thomas Carney (1863-5） Maine Governor Israel Washburn, Jr. (1861-3） Governor Abner Coburn (1863-4） Governor Samuel Cony (1864-7） Massachusetts Governor John A. Andrew (1861-6） Michigan Governor Austin Blair (1861-4） Governor Henry H. Crapo (1865-9） Minnesota Governor Alexander Ramsey (1859-63） Governor Stephen Miller (1863-6） Nevada (State admitted 1864） Governor Henry G. Blasdell (1864-71） New Hampshire Governor Ichabod Goodwin (1859-61） Governor Nathaniel S. Berry (1861-3） Governor Joseph A. Gilmore (1863-5） New Jersey Governor Charles S. Olden (1860-3） Governor Joel Parker (1863-6） New York Governor Edwin D. Morgan (1859-63） Governor Horatio Seymour (1863-5） Governor Reuben E. Fenton (1865-9） Ohio Governor William Dennison (1860-2） Governor David Tod (1862-4） Governor John Brough (1864-5） Oregon Governor John Whittak
Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain, The Passing of the Armies: The Last Campaign of the Armies., Chapter 9: the last review. (search)
pressed your well-laid plank at Germanna and Ely's Ford of the Rapidan on that bright morning a summer ago? To what shores led that bridge? No, we do not smile to-day at the ungainly pontoons! God rest their bodies now! if perchance they have no souls except what have gone into the men who bore them, and whom in turn they bore. Now rises to its place the tried and tested old Ninth Corps, once of Burnside and Reno, now led by Parke, peer of the best, with Willcox and Griffin of New Hampshire and Curtin leading its divisions, --Potter still absent with cruel wounds, and Hartranft detached on high service elsewhere,and its brigade commanders, General McLaughlen and Colonels Harriman, Ely, Carruth, Titus, McCalmon, and Matthews. These are the men of the North Carolina expedition, of Roanoke and New Berne, who came up in time of sore need to help our army at Manassas and Chantilly, and again at South Mountain and Antietam. After great service in the west, with us again in the
The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure), The War's Carnival of fraud. (search)
nly thing Mr. Fox ever said (in response to my particular request that the court to try these New York cases should be composed of none but high-toned and fearless officers, without any political bias or aspiration) was, that I need not fear but that the guilty would be convicted, and punished if proven guilty. His official letter of February 18th, now first published, shows the whole attitude of the Navy Department toward this question of abuses and toward myself. Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, from his place in the Senate openly charged Mr. Fox with having instructed me to inquire into his business relations, and of having made use of the expression above referred to; but in a document communicated to the Senate by Secretary Welles, in compliance with a resolution, Mr. Fox thus emphatically put his foot upon the falsehood. Addressing the Secretary of the Navy, he says: In obedience to your orders to cause to be investigated the alleged fraudulent transactions of all pers
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Army Life in a Black Regiment, Chapter 11: Florida again? (search)
men received the news with cheers, and we all came in next morning. February 11, 1864. For three days we have watched the river, and every little steamboat that comes up for coal brings out spy-glasses and conjectures, and Dar's de Fourf New Hampshire, --for when that comes, it is said, we go. Meanwhile we hear stirring news from Florida, and the men are very impatient to be off. It is remarkable how much more thoroughly they look at things as soldiers than last year, and how much less as alyzed pathos. Of course the only way was to set them all at work as soon as possible; and work them we did,--I at the camp and the Major at the wharf,-- loading and unloading wagons and just reversing all which the morning had done. The New Hampshire men were very considerate, and gave back most of what.they had taken, though many of our men were really too delicate or proud to ask or even take what they had once given to soldiers or to the colored people. I had no such delicacy about my
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Lxviii. (search)
the rear, they'll find they have got to sit on the blister ! Mr. Lincoln came to have an almost morbid dread of office-seekers, from whose importunity the executive of a republican government can necessarily never be free. Harassed with applications of every description, he once said that it sometimes seemed as if every visitor darted at him, and with thumb and finger carried off a portion of his vitality. As the day of his reinauguration approached, he said to Senator Clark, of New Hampshire, Can't you and others start a public sentiment in favor of making no changes in offices except for good and sufficient cause? It seems as though the bare thought of going through again what I did the first year here, would crush me. To another he said, I have made up my mind to make very few changes in the offices in my gift for my second term. I think now that I will not remove a single man, except for delinquency. To remove a man is very easy, but when I go to fill his place, there
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., chapter 2 (search)
at I take bold, unqualified issue with him upon, that principle. I assert that it is neither desirable nor possible that there should be uniformity in the local institutions and domestic regulations of the different States of this Union. The framers of our government never contemplated uniformity in its internal concerns. The fathers of the Revolution, and the sages who made the Constitution, well understood that the laws and domestic institutions which would suit the granite hills of New Hampshire would be totally unfit for the rice plantations of South Carolina; they well understood that the laws which would suit the agricultural districts of Pennsylvania and New York would be totally unfit for the large mining regions of the Pacific, or the lumber regions of Maine. They well understood that the great varieties of soil, of production and of interests, in a Republic as large as this, required different local and domestic regulations in each locality, adapted to the wants and inte
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