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ecession the opposition moved for delay—a weak device. Mr. Rozier, true son of Louisiana through all of his deep love for the Union, offered an ordinance as a substitute for that reported by the committee of fifteen. No difference of opinion, he argued, existed as to the great question before the convention—only one as to the mode and means of redress. We, the people of the State, should be the language addressed to the North. He moved, as a safe remedy, that a convention be held at Nashville, Tenn., on February 25th, to take into consideration the relations the slaveholding States are to occupy hereafter toward the general government. Mr. Fuqua, of East Feliciana, followed with another substitute providing for concert of action. His plan was also for delay, ending in a general convention to be held at Montgomery, Ala., in co-operation with other Southern States. After Rozier and Fuqua had ceased, the voice of a profound jurist was heard. This was a voice never listened to w
alized! At a later date all of these Louisiana commands, except Beltzhoover's battery, were at Island No.10 and New Madrid, gallantly resisting the attacks of the Federal fleet. During the early part of February, 1862, Fort Donelson fell, and Grant's forces pushed on down the Tennessee river to Pittsburg Landing, where, on March 1st, Colonel Mouton's Eighteenth Louisiana regiment had its first fight, with the gunboats for antagonists. Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston, falling back from Nashville, selected Corinth as his new base of campaign. He arrived at that town in advance of his troops on March 22, 1862, and found there an army of some 25,000 men. This force had been brought together through General Beauregard's feverish energy. In its composition it bore the features of a few States, one of the Confederate North and two of the Gulf. It had been drawn from Louisiana, Alabama and Kentucky, General Lovell himself having brought a brigade of volunteers from New Orleans. The
action of other Louisiana commands. The next encounter of the armies was in Tennessee. Rosecrans, the new commander of the army of the Cumberland, vice Buell, gave the command of his center to Thomas. Thomas acted throughout the campaign as his military adviser. None better could he have had than this soldier—as prudent as he was daring, as successful as he was prudent. About the middle of November Bragg advanced to Murfreesboro. From this point he planned to lay distant siege to Nashville. Rosecrans' own objective was Chattanooga, as had been Buell's, but his first aim was to sweep Bragg from his front. Bragg, who had gone into winter quarters, was quickly aware of Rosecrans' purpose. It was on Stone's river (December 26th to January 5th) that the army of Tennessee and the army of the Cumberland met for the mastery of the fields of Tennessee. If we read the rival reports both commanders lay claim to victory. In his losses, Bragg showed rather better than the enemy, h
than to give a fatal blow to Thomas, organizing at Nashville. Hood willingly undertook the enterprise, but uwith 8,000 men. Hood, on the way from Franklin to Nashville, stopped Bate's division long enough to order him refooted; feet bleeding. Once more on the road to Nashville, he reached the front of the town December 15th, cen incessantly working on the intrenchments before Nashville. The attack of the 5th in other quarters caused sn, was General Lee's comment. Among the losses at Nashville were Capt. C. W. Cushman, Lieut. J. J. Cawthon, anbravely commanding the rear guard of the army from Nashville: The officers and men of the artillery behaved admntrolling desire to conquer. The reaction after Nashville was intensely painful for a nature so ardent and hby authority of the President. The retreat from Nashville had brought no dishonor to the army of Tennessee. r fortitude than was displayed on the retreat from Nashville to Tupelo.—Beauregard's report, April 15, 1865.