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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 17. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 47 1 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 44 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 43 1 Browse Search
HISTORY OF THE TOWN OF MEDFORD, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT, IN 1630, TO THE PRESENT TIME, 1855. (ed. Charles Brooks) 43 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 38 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 36 0 Browse Search
Cambridge sketches (ed. Estelle M. H. Merrill) 34 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 11. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 33 1 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 32 0 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 30 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for George Washington or search for George Washington in all documents.

Your search returned 57 results in 27 document sections:

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Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 117 (search)
ve done it. We have satisfactorily settled one important question that has long been agitating the public mind, and that is, whether we were able to reinforce Fort Pickens or not. I have the great pleasure of assuring you this was accomplished between the hours of 11 and 12 o'clock on the night of Friday, the 12th inst., without the firing of a gun, or the spilling of one drop of blood. The manner in which it was successfully done is briefly as follows: A bearer of dispatches arrived from Washington during the day, bringing the orders we had so long anxiously looked for, and as soon as it became dark we began work with a good will, and in earnest. At first the marines from the frigate Sabine and the sloop St. Louis came on board our vessel, and immediately after the accomplishment of this, the anchor was hoisted by the jolly old salts with the merry chant of--General Jackson won the day Heave, yea ho! At New Orleans, the people say; Yeo, Leave yeo! We ran as close to the shore as
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 147 (search)
ng for volunteers to serve for two years. This order caused great consternation among the rank and file. They had enlisted in the hope of being engaged in the impending conflict, and expected to see actual service. Many of them had given up lucrative positions, left homes and families for the purpose of manifesting their patriotism for their country, and sustain the honor and integrity of the American flag. At seven o'clock, on the following evening, a special order was received from Washington, ordering them to at once proceed to the Capital. When this news was imparted to the troops a scene of genuine enthusiasm ensued; cheer upon cheer rang upon the air; the President, the Governor, General Scott, Colonel Pratt, and in fact every name the troops could think of, was wildly cheered. Colonel Pratt was deeply affected at the enthusiasm manifested by his men, and took no measures to check their outbursts of joy. After order was restored, the commandant made a few pithy remark
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 152 (search)
ernal administration, by the Confederates; and the proclamation from the American palladium itself of the Montgomery Constitution in place of the one devised by Washington, Madison, Hamilton, and Jay — a constitution in which slavery should be the universal law of the land, the corner-stone of the political edifice — were events wcompact of sovereign States, not a copartnership; it is a Commonwealth, of which the Constitution drawn up at Philadelphia by the Convention of 1787, over which Washington presided, is the organic, fundamental law. We had already had enough of a confederacy. The thirteen rebel provinces, afterwards the thirteen original independever a large portion of the American soil a Confederacy of which slavery, in the words of its Vice-President, is the corner-stone, for the old Republic, of which Washington, with his own hand, laid the corner-stone. It is conceded by the North that it has received from the Union innumerable blessings. But it would seem that the
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 155 (search)
An attempt to recapture Fort Sumter? A contest for Fort Pickens? A struggle for the Capital? A. diversion in Texas? A renewal of negotiations? No one knows, and, what is worse, no one credits President Lincoln for any plan. We can only compare the two sides, and strike a balance. In the North there is an army and a navy, and money, and a more numerous white population, without, too, the incubus of Slavery. There is also the tradition of the Union, the Capitol, and the successor of Washington. Modern warfare cannot go on without money, and the Northern States can more easily raise and spend a hundred millions of dollars a year than the Southern can raise ten millions. All that is outside, and material, is in favor of the North. It has the preponderance of every thing that can be counted, measured, and weighed, that can be bought and sold; that can be entered in legers and put on a balance-sheet. It has the manufactories, the building yards, the dockyards,--the whole apparat
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 163 (search)
se orders you are acting, and whose purpose recently communicated to the Legislature, has just been responded to by that body in the most unparalleled legislation, having in direct view hostilities to the General Government and co-operation with its enemies. In view of these considerations, and of your failure to disperse in obedience to the proclamation of the President, and of the eminent necessities of State policy and welfare, and the obligations imposed upon me by instructions from Washington, it is my duty to demand, and I do hereby demand of you an immediate surrender of your command, with no other conditions than that all persons surrendering under this demand shall be humanely and kindly treated. Believing myself prepared to enforce this demand, one-half hour's time, before doing so, will be allowed for your compliance therewith. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, N. Lyon, Captain, 2d Infantry, Commanding Troops. Immediately on the receipt of the foregoing,
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 190 (search)
ag to wave over it than the Stars and Stripes. (Cheers.) So we could afford to keep Louisiana for alligators, but no other flag but ours should wave over it. (Cheers.) If the blood of thousands upon thousands were needed to seal the issue, with bowed heads we could only say, Thy will, O God, be done. George Douglas, Esq., (who gave $1,000 to the Society,) said he believed Providence had appointed General Scott to be the leader of our forces in this second war for liberty, as He had General Washington in the first. Dr. S. H. Tyng next addressed the meeting: Never were a people brought together to main. tain dearer rights or more imperilled and important interests than those involved in the present contest. He could not take a pirate's hand, who was going to secure a prize of twenty dollars a head for every man he murdered, and put a Bible in his hands, as a sanction for his course. What kind of a Union would that be, where the chains of the slave should sound from one end of t
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Doc. 198 1/2.-Bishop Potter's letter to a Secessionist. (search)
es and the capital of our country from threatened invasion, our Constitution from destruction, and even our Southern brethren from that which is the surest destruction of themselves and their peculiar institutions. From the secession of South Carolina to the storming of Fort Sumter, the General Government remained all but passive. It then became indispensable that we should know whether it was a Government, whether it could retain its hold of Washington, and whether the whole system that Washington and his compeers inaugurated in 1789 was not a delusion and imposture. This, my dear sir, is the whole story. Your theory not only disregards your own obligations under the Constitution, but it leaves to us no Government except in name — opening the door for perpetual discord and for secession without end. I do not believe that at the North one man in fifty desires an invasion of your soil or the destruction of your social system. They simply desire that you should not break up the Unio
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 224 (search)
Doc. 207.-case of Gen. Cadwallader. General Cadwallader having declined acceding to the demand for the body of Merriman, until he could hear from Washington, a writ of attachment was issued against him, for contempt of court. The Marshal reported that, on going to Fort McHenry to serve the writ, he was refused admittance. Chief-Justice Taney then read the following statement: I ordered the attachment, yesterday, because upon the face of the return the detention of the prisoner was unlawful, upon two grounds: First.--The President, under the Constitution and laws of the United States, cannot suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, nor authorize any military officer to do so. Second.--A military officer has no right to arrest and detain a person, nor subject him to the Rules and Articles of War for an offence against the laws of the United States, except in aid of the judicial authority, and subject to its control; and if the party is arrested by the mil
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 245 (search)
on defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. It was the act of the people and not of the States. George Washington, the President of the Convention, in communicating to the Congress the Constitution which had been thus framed, in his letter of the 17th of September, 1787, uses this most remarkable and significant language: It is obviously impractiConvention. Adopting the language of our fellow-citizens of the county of Berkeley, at their late mass meeting, we can truthfully declare: That we have never yet agreed to break our allegiance to that Constitution which was signed by George Washington, framed by James Madison, administered by Jefferson, judicially expounded by John Marshall, protected by Jackson, defended by Webster, and lived for by Clay. That we have never known Virginia save as a State in the United States; and all
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 271 (search)
sent generation might enjoy that long-deferred but dearly-cherished object of every German heart, a comprehensive and united nationality. You left your native land, dismembered and disintegrated by long centuries of strife, that you might here breathe in freedom the invigorating air of a great, united, indivisible Republic. You left without regret the rival and contending Hapsburghs and Hohenzollerns, that you and your descendants, through coming ages, might inhabit and enjoy the land of Washington; that you might lawfully inherit and peacefully occupy the one great continental nation of the globe, stretching in unbroken expanse from ocean to ocean. Noble Germans! Will you now permit this goodly heritage to be rudely torn from you? Will you abandon, without a struggle, this your magnificent domain, your own chosen land of refuge, to dismemberment and ruin? With the example fresh in memory of the fatherland, frittered by internal strife into dozens of petty principalities, can y
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