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lected him, four out of his seven Ministers refused to second what they considered his apostacy. In July, 1866, the Postmaster-General and the Secretary of the Interior resigned, and in September they were followed by the Attorney-General, who was a Southern man, but unable to approve the President's policy. Three of those who remained supported Johnson and became abettors of all his devices and designs. Seward, the original Republican leader, fell away completely from his old associates; Welles, a bitter Democrat before the war, returned to his early allies; and McCulloch, who had never been prominent in politics or public life, decided to retain the place to which he had been elevated on the resignation of a superior. But Stanton, the Secretary of War, the Minister who had been most important of all, both to Lincoln and the country, who by his position and ability and energy and fidelity had done more than any other civilian except Lincoln to serve the State; without whose eff
ng this period I wrote a letter to the New York Herald contradicting certain statements that had been published by ex-Secretary Welles of Lincoln's and Johnson's Cabinets, and General Richard Taylor of the Confederate army, in regard to the Wilderneich this is to form a part—or a correction. I am very glad you sent on your letter to the Herald in answer to Taylor and Welles. Young's, without yours, would not have much point. I become responsible for yours, and I can very well afford it because Taylor's was a deadly attack upon two now dead-Lincoln & Stanton—and Welles upon two dead persons—Stanton and Halleck—all untrue—the attacks—and I feel it a duty to relieve all three of aspersions so unjust to their memories. We are going all tanuscript. I did not say that about 39,000 would cover my losses in killed, wounded, & missing. What I did say was that Welles, Taylor & Co. would soon have it pass into history that we had a 100,000 men killed in getting to the James river, w