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A result of the earthquake in Charleston, August 31, 1886. curred at four o'clock in the morning, and lasted four and a half minutes. At the same time there was a great tidalwave in the West Indies.
In April, the same year, Quito, in South America, was destroyed by an earthquake; and eighteen days before the earthquake in North America there was an awful and extensive one in southern Europe that extended into Africa.
The earth was violently shaken for 5,000 miles—even to Scotland.
In eight minutes the city of Lisbon, with 50,000 inhabitants, was swallowed up. Other cities in Portugal and Spain were partially destroyed.
One half of Fez, in northern Africa, was destroyed, and more than 12,000 Arabs perished.
In the island of Mitylene, in the Grecian Archipelago, 2,000 houses were overthrown; and half of the island of Madeira, 660 miles southwest from Portugal, became a waste.
The last earthquake of consequence was on Aug. 31, 1886, when a large part of the city
And now, friends, fellow-citizens, as we stand among these honored graves, the momentous question presents itself, which of the two parties to the war is responsible for all this suffering, for the dreadful sacrifice of life—the lawful and constituted government of the United States, or the ambitious men who have rebelled against it?
I say rebelled against it, although Earl Russell, the British secretary of state for foreign affairs, in his recent temperate and conciliatory speech in Scotland, seems to intimate that no prejudice ought to attach to that word, inasmuch as our English forefathers rebelled against Charles I. and James II., and our American fathers rebelled against George III.
These certainly are venerable precepts, but they prove only that it is just and proper to rebel against oppressive governments.
They do not prove that it was just and proper for the son of James II.
to rebel against George I.; or his grandson, Charles Edward, to rebel against George II.; nor
maintaining the dignity of the King's representative in each colony, and all our own separate establishments of government, civil and military; has ever hitherto been deemed an equivalent for such aids as might otherwise be expected from us in time of peace.
And we hereby declare that on a reconciliation with Britain, we shall not only continue to grant aids in time of war, as a fore said; but whenever she shall think fit to abolish her monopoly, and give us the same privileges of trade as Scotland received at the union, and allow us a free commerce with the rest of the world; we shall willingly agree (and we doubt not it will be ratified by our constituents) to give and pay into the sinking fund £ 100,000 sterling per annum for the term of 100 years, which duly, faithfully, and inviolably applied to that purpose, is demonstrably more than sufficient to extinguish all her present national debt; since it will in that time amount, at legal British interest, to more than £ 230,000,000.
