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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. Search the whole document.

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West Virginia (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
f antecedent opinion where — on these were designed to operate. Let him but consider that, throughout thirteen of the fifteen Slave States, no journal of any note or influence had for many years been issued which was not an ardent champion and eulogist of Slavery — that no man could be chosen to Congress from any district in those thirteen States, and none from more than two districts of the entire fifteen, who was not a facile and eager instrument of the Slave Power, even though (as in West Virginia) their inhabitants well understood that Slavery was to them a blight and a curse — that every prominent and powerful religious organization throughout the South was sternly pro-Slavery, its preachers making more account in their prelections of Ham and Onesimus than of Isaiah and John the Baptist — and he will be certain to render a judgment less hasty and more just. There were probably not a hundred white churches south of the Potomac and Ohio which would have received an avowed Abolit
New Bern (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
could not hear of operations at Pensacola or New Orleans for a week or more, and so could not give seasonably the orders required to repair a disaster or improve a victory. The recovery of New Orleans was first learned in Washington through Richmond journals; and so of many other signal Union triumphs. A corps could be sent from Virginia to Tennessee or Mississippi, by the Confederates, in half the time that was required to countervail the movement on our side. If they chose to menace Newbern, N. C., or our forces on the Sea Islands of South Carolina, they could do so with troops drawn from Richmond or Chattanooga before we could learn that any had started. True, as the war wore on, and their railroads wore out — more especially after their territory was cut in two by the opening of the Mississippi — this advantage was materially lessened; but the ruggedness of the country remained; while the badness of American, especially of Southern, roads, afforded undiminished, and, to a Europ
Montgomery (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
d community of interest with those which you represent, will join this Confederacy. This expectation was, in good part, fulfilled. When Mr. Davis was next July 20, 1861. called to address his Congress — which had meantime adjourned from Montgomery to Richmond — in announcing the transfer of the Executive departments likewise to the new capital, he said: Gentlemen of the Congress of the Confederate States of America: My Message addressed to you at the commencement of the last sessih the extraordinary facilities newly afforded to military operations by the Railroad and the Electric Telegraph, secured enormous advantages to the party standing generally on the defensive. The Confederate President, sitting in his cabinet at Montgomery or Richmond, could thence dispatch a message to his lieutenant in Florida or on the Rio Grande, and receive a response the next day — perhaps the next hour — while our President or General-in-Chief could not hear of operations at Pensacola or
Sumterville (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
This question was sometimes answered, sometimes not; but the logical inference was inevitable: Then we will unite with you in a struggle for Disunion. Here were the toils in which Virginia Unionism had immeshed itself before the bombardment of Sumter, and which foredoomed it to suicide directly thereafter. The more earnest and resolute Southerners had been talking of their rights and their wrongs, for a number of years, in such a definite, decisive way that they felt that no one could justle camps whenever the South should strike boldly for her rights. It proved a grievous mistake; but it was countenanced by the habitual tone of conservative speakers and journals throughout the canvass of 1860, and thence down to the collision at Sumter. Even then, the spirit which impelled these assurances of Northern sympathy with, and readiness to do and dare for, the South, was not extinguished, though its more obvious manifestations were in good part sup, pressed for a season. A very few
Florida (Florida, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
ness of the territory occupied by the belligerents, the rugged topography of much of the country over which the contest was fought, the general badness of American roads, with the extraordinary facilities newly afforded to military operations by the Railroad and the Electric Telegraph, secured enormous advantages to the party standing generally on the defensive. The Confederate President, sitting in his cabinet at Montgomery or Richmond, could thence dispatch a message to his lieutenant in Florida or on the Rio Grande, and receive a response the next day — perhaps the next hour — while our President or General-in-Chief could not hear of operations at Pensacola or New Orleans for a week or more, and so could not give seasonably the orders required to repair a disaster or improve a victory. The recovery of New Orleans was first learned in Washington through Richmond journals; and so of many other signal Union triumphs. A corps could be sent from Virginia to Tennessee or Mississippi,
Scotia (search for this): chapter 31
the side of the Union. The Confederacy appeared as a disturber of preexisting arrangements, and thus of the general peace. Its fundamental theories of State Sovereignty, Right of Secession, etc., were utter novelties to the mass of mankind, and were at war with the instincts and prepossessions of nearly all who could understand them. The greatness and security, wealth and power, of England were based on the supersedure of the Heptarchy by the Realm, and on the conversion of Scotland and Ireland, respectively, from jealous and hostile neighbors into integral portions of the British commonwealth. France, feeble and distracted while divided into great feudatories, became strong and commanding from the hour that these were absorbed into the power and influence of the monarchy, and Burgundy, Picardy, Anjou, etc., became mere geographical designations of portions of the nation one and indivisible. Italy, through her at length half-realized aspirations of so many weary centuries — Germ
Guilford, Conn. (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
es of the South as thirsting for their blood and bent on their extermination — as sending forth her armies instructed to ravish, kill, lay waste, and destroy; and the pulpit was not far behind the press in disseminating these atrocious falsehoods. Hence, the Southern militia, and even conscripts, were impelled by a hate or horror of their adversaries which rendered them valiant in their own despite, making them sometimes victors where the memories of their grandfathers at Charleston and at Guilford, and of their fathers at Bladensburg, had led their foes to greatly undervalue their prowess and their efficiency. XII. Whether Slavery should prove an element of strength or of weakness to the Rebellion necessarily depended on the manner in which it should be treated by the defenders of the Union. It was a nettle, which, handled timidly, tenderly, was certain to sting the hand that thus toyed with it; the only safety lay in clutching it resolutely and firmly. Slavery had made the Reb
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
all the territories, contained Nineteen, 19,128,143. and the Slave States, including the District of Columbia, over Twelve 12,315,372. Millions. As the Free States all adhered to the Union, while, of the Slave States, Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri Kentucky and Missouri are claimed as having done so; and, hence, were both represented, from an early day, in the Confederate Congress. But the claim is baseless and impudent. did not unite with the Confederacy, the preponderanKentucky and Missouri are claimed as having done so; and, hence, were both represented, from an early day, in the Confederate Congress. But the claim is baseless and impudent. did not unite with the Confederacy, the preponderance of population in the adhering over that of the seceded States was somewhat more than two to one. The disparity in wealth between the contending parties was at least equal to this; so that there was plausibility in the claim of the Confederates to that sympathy which the generous usually extend to the weaker party in a life-and-death struggle. In Manufactures, Commerce, Shipping, etc., the preponderance was immensely on the side of the Union. II. The prestige of regularity, of legitimacy
Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
est had been repeatedly accustomed to hostilities during the present century, the North and East had known very little Pollard, in his Southern History of our struggle, smartly, if not quite accurately, says: In the war of 1812, the North furnished 58,552 soldiers; the South 96,812--making a majority of 37,030 in favor of the South. Of the number furnished by the North-- Massachusetts furnished3,110 New Hampshire furnished897 Connecticut furnished387 Rhode Island furnished637 Vermont furnished181   In all5,162 While the State of South Carolina furnished 5,696. In the Mexican War, Massachusetts furnished1,047 New Hampshire furnished1 The other New England States0,000   In all1,048 The whole number of troops contributed by the North to the Mexican War was 23,054; while the South contributed 43,630-very nearly double-and, in proportion to her population, four times as many soldiers as the North. of war but by hearsay since the peace which secured our
West Point (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
ly after their territory was cut in two by the opening of the Mississippi — this advantage was materially lessened; but the ruggedness of the country remained; while the badness of American, especially of Southern, roads, afforded undiminished, and, to a European, inconceivably, great advantages to the party acting on the defensive. IX. The Confederates had a superiority from the first in this, that their leaders and officers were thoroughly in earnest. Their chief had been educated at West Point, had fought through the Mexican War, had been four years at the head of the War Department, and been succeeded therein by Floyd, a man after his own heart, who left the service, at the close of 1860, in precisely that state which was deemed most favorable to their great design. One, if not both, of them knew personally almost every officer in our service; knew the military value of each; knew that he was pliant or otherwise to the behests of slave-holding treason. They knew whom to call
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