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Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 138 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 38 2 Browse Search
Bliss Perry, The American spirit in lierature: a chronicle of great interpreters 30 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 29 1 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Henry Walcott Boynton, Reader's History of American Literature 26 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 18 0 Browse Search
Charles E. Stowe, Harriet Beecher Stowe compiled from her letters and journals by her son Charles Edward Stowe 16 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 15 1 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition. 10 0 Browse Search
Jula Ward Howe, Reminiscences: 1819-1899 9 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Jonathan Edwards or search for Jonathan Edwards in all documents.

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osition were then slaveholding, and had taken no decided steps toward Emancipation. Yet they none the less regarded Slavery as an evil and a blunder, The Rev. Jonathan Edwards (son of the famous Jonathan Edwards, who was the greatest theologian, and one of the greatest men whom New England has ever produced), preached a sermon one living amid Slavery, and as proving how essentially identical are the objections urged to human chattelhood at all times, and under whatever circumstances. Mr. Edwards said: African Slavery is exceedingly impolitic, as it discourages industry. Nothing is more essential to the political prospect of any State than industry liberately purposed and systematically pursued, appears to be among the latest devices and illustrations of human depravity. Neither Cowper, nor Wesley, nor Jonathan Edwards, nor Granville Sharp, nor Clarkson, nor any of the philanthropists or divines who, in the last century, bore fearless and emphatic testimony to the flagrant
e coolly says, the importation which it thus sanctions, was unquestionably of all persons of the race of which we are now speaking. The Chief Justice proceeds to defy history and common sense by asserting that, in the days of the fathers, even emancipated blacks were identified in the public mind with the race to which they belonged, and regarded as a part of the slave population rather than the free. He is so kind as to tell the people of the Free States that the efforts of Wesley, and Edwards, and Hopkins, and Franklin, and Jay, and all the other eminent divines, patriots, and statesmen, who appealed to their consciences and their hearts against Slavery as unjust and cruel, had no existence, or, at least, no effect — that Slavery was abolished by our fathers, not at all because it was felt to be wrong, but because it was found to be unprofitable in this particular locality. On this point, he says: (It is very true that, in that portion of the Union where the labor of the ne
as to them a blight and a curse — that every prominent and powerful religious organization throughout the South was sternly pro-Slavery, its preachers making more account in their prelections of Ham and Onesimus than of Isaiah and John the Baptist — and he will be certain to render a judgment less hasty and more just. There were probably not a hundred white churches south of the Potomac and Ohio which would have received an avowed Abolitionist into their communion, though he had been a Jonathan Edwards in Orthodoxy, a Wesley in piety, or a Bunyan in religious zeal. The Industry, Commerce, and Politics of the South were not more squarely based on Slavery than was its Religion. Every great national religious organization had either been rendered pliant and subservient to the behests of Slavery or had been shivered by its resistance thereto. And no sooner had Secession been inaugurated in the South than the great Protestant denominations which had not already broken their connection w
beaten right and center, including the regular infantry and cavalry, still stood its ground and sternly faced the foe. Maj. Barry, our Chief of Artillery in the battle, in his official report, after noticing the loss of ten of his guns at the close, through the flight of their supporting infantry, says: The army having retired upon Centerville, I was ordered by Gen. McDowell in person, to p<*>st the artillery in position to cover the retreat. The batteries of Hunt, Ayres, Tidball, Edwards, Green, and the New-York 8th regiment, (the latter served by volunteers from Wilcox's brigade,) 20 pieces in all, were at once placed in position; and thus remained until 12 o'clock P. M., when, orders having been received to retire upon the Potomac, the batteries were put in march, and, covered by Richardson's brigade, retired in good order and without haste, and, early next morning, reoccupied their former camps on the Potomac. Col. J. B. Richardson, commanding the 4th brigade of Tyler
f the bill, as thus amended, which was seconded. Mr. Holman, of Indiana, moved that the bill be laid on the table; which was beaten: Yeas 47; Nays 66. The amendment of the Judiciary Committee was then agreed to; the bill, as amended, ordered to be read a third time, and passed, as follows: Yeas--Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, Ashley, Babbitt, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Francis P. Blair, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, Buffinton, Chamberlain, Clark, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Covode, Duell, Edwards, Eliot, Fenton, Fessenden, Franchot, Frank, Granger, Gurley, Hanchett, Harrison, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, William Kellogg, Lansing, Loomis, Lovejoy, McKean. Mitchell, Justin S. Morrill, Olin, Pot-ter, Alex. H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Sedgwick, Sheffield, Shellabarger, Sherman, Sloan, Spaulding, Stevens, Benj. F. Thomas, Train, Van Horne, Verree, Wallace, Charles W. Walton, E. P. Walton, Wheeler, Albert S. White, and Windom--60. Nays--Messrs. Allen, Ancona, Joseph Ba
B., 529; at Little Bethel, 531. E. Earle, Thomas, biographer of Benj. Lundy. 115. early, Col., (Rebel,) at Bull Run, 543. East Tennessee, Declaration of Grievances by the people of, 4,3-4; Unionism in; persecution by the Rebels, 484; her expectations from our forces in Kentucky, 616; her hopes blasted by Schoepf's retreat. 617. Eddy, Sam., of R. I., on Missouri Compromise, 80. Edmonds, John W., 166. Edmundson, Henry A., of Va., abettor of the assault on Sumner, 299. Edwards, Rev. Jonathan, extract from his sermon on the Slave-Trade, etc., 50; 70; 255; 501. Edwardsville, Ill., fugitive-slave case at, 217-18. Elliot, John M., of Ky., in Conf. Congress, 617. Elliot's Debates, extract from, 81. Ellis, Gov. John W., of N. C., calls a Convention, 348; his seizure of Federal property, 411-12; answers President's call for troops, 459 ; exerts his influence for Secession; seizes Federal property, etc., 435. Ellsworth, Col., at Alexandria, and deal, 533.