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transition from a territorial condition to that of a state was, in the first place, by an act of Congress authorizing the inhabitants to elect representatives for a convention to form a state constitution, which was then submitted to Congress for approval and ratification. On such ratification the supervisory control of Congress was withdrawn and the new state authorized to assume its sovereignty, and the inhabitants of the territory became citizens of a state. In the cases of Tennessee in 1796, and Arkansas and Michigan in 1836, the failure of the inhabitants to obtain an enabling act of Congress before organizing themselves very nearly caused the rejection of their applications for admission as states, though they were eventually granted on the ground that the subsequent approval and consent of Congress could heal the prior irregularity. The entire control of Congress over the whole subject of territorial government had never been questioned in earlier times. Necessarily conjoin
mpress of nearly seventy years of sanction by the highest judicial authority, should be honestly and faithfully observed and maintained by all who enjoy the benefits of our compact of union; and that all acts of individuals or of State Legislatures to defeat the purpose or nullify the requirements of that provision, and the laws made in pursuance of it, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. The speech of the author, delivered on the 7th of May ensuing, in exposition of these resolutions, will be found in Appendix F. After a protracted and earnest debate, these resolutions were adopted seriatim on May 24 and 25 by a decided majority of the Senate (varying from thirty-three to thirty-six yeas against from two to twenty-one nays), the Democrats, both Northern and Southern, sustaining them unitedly, with the exception of one adverse vote (that of Pugh of Ohio) on the fourth and sixth resolutions. The Republicans all voted agai
ence on the decadence of the Whig organization, based upon opposition to the alleged overgrowth of the political influence of naturalized foreigners and of the Roman Catholic Church, had but a brief duration, and after the presidential election of 1856 declined as rapidly as it had risen. At the period to which this narrative has advanced, the Free-soil, which had now assumed the title of Republican party, had grown to a magnitude which threatened speedily to obtain entire control of the govsorbed within itself not only the abolitionists, who were avowedly agitating for the destruction of the system of negro servitude, but other diverse and heterogeneous elements of opposition to the Democratic party. In the presidential election of 1856, their candidates (Fremont and Dayton) had received 114 of a total of 296 electoral votes, representing a popular vote of 1,341,264 in a total of 4,053,967. The elections of the ensuing year (1857) exhibited a diminution of the so-called Republic
emocratic party. In the presidential election of 1856, their candidates (Fremont and Dayton) had received 114 of a total of 296 electoral votes, representing a popular vote of 1,341,264 in a total of 4,053,967. The elections of the ensuing year (1857) exhibited a diminution of the so-called Republican strength, and the Thirty-fifth Congress, which convened in December of that year, was decidedly Democratic in both branches. In the course of the next two years, however, the Kansas agitation anof one vote. The Senate continued to be decidedly Democratic, though with an increase of the so-called Republican minority. The cause above alluded to, as contributing to the rapid growth of the Republican party after the elections of the year 1857, was the dissension among the Democrats, occasioned by the introduction of the doctrine called by its inventors and advocates popular sovereignty, or nonin-tervention, but more generally and more accurately known as squatter sovereignty. Its char
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