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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders.. Search the whole document.

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1860 AD (search for this): chapter 34
s an instrument of abolition, and to prosecute it, not merely for restoring the authority of the Union, but also for securing the extinction of slavery in the South. No such purpose was responsibly avowed in the beginning; but it was fully developed by the summer of 1864, when it became, as we shall see, very soon a leading issue between the Lincoln and McClellan parties. Such were the antecedents, character, and composition of the party which had succeeded in the Presidential election of 1860. The shock which the announcement of the result gave to the country was very great; but it was not greater than that which was felt by the successful party itself. Composed of extreme fanatical elements, and brought for the first time face to face with the serious and grave responsibilities of office, under that Union to which so many of them had avowed a bitter hostility, and under that Constitution to which they were obliged to swear support, and which they designed to subvert, they at on
June (search for this): chapter 34
apital for the opposition party of the North. The personal surroundings of the commissioners in Canada were referred to by the Government press in confirmation of the truth of this imputation. Such is the history of this after-thought, of making abolition by the States in revolt a condition of their readmission into the Union; such was the manner and occasion of interpolating this additional plank in the platform of the Government party. The party itself had pretermitted it at Baltimore in June. The radical spirits had supplied the omission in the bill for reconstructing the revolted States, which they had succeeded in carrying through Congress on the 3d of July. The President had virtually vetoed this bill, on the ground, taken in his speech accepting the nomination, that the only legal form of abolishing slavery was by means of the Constitutional amendment, called for by the Baltimore resolutions. What, therefore, the radical spirits of the party had failed to accomplish, the a
1863 AD (search for this): chapter 34
crew, that have so long bewitched and despoiled us, black Toussaints, who, by their superiour talents and principles, shall receive the grateful homage of an appreciative and admiring nation. Gen. Banks said, when in the House of Representatives, that in regard to whether the white or black race was superiour, he proposed to wait till time should develop whether the white race should absorb the black, or the black the white. Wendell Phillips, the ablest and the boldest of them all, said, in 1863: Remember this, the youngest of you, that on the 4th day of July, 1863, you heard a man say, that in the light of all history, in virtue of every page he ever read, lie was an amalgamationist to the utmost extent. I have no hope for the future, as this country has no past, but in that sublime mingling of races, which is God's own method of civilizing and elevating the world. God, by the events of His providence, is crushing out the hatred of race that has crippled this country until to-day.
1864 AD (search for this): chapter 34
otes. reassurance of the conservative party in 1864. the party issues of 1864, with reference to r1864, with reference to reconstruction. Convention of the Government party at Baltimore. its platform. pretermission o impossible in view of the Federal victories of 1864. triumph of Mr. Lincoln and his party. analysstated that it gave a new hope for the South in 1864; and we have indicated that the political campng; but it was fully developed by the summer of 1864, when it became, as we shall see, very soon a lg Presidential canvass. The party issues for 1864 turned in a measure upon the conditions of recolowing circumstances: Early in the summer of 1864, the Confederate Government had sent, as we hav slavery itself. The war had, by the summer of 1864, rendered the continuance of the institution imted, was certainly premature. By the summer of 1864, however, the fate of slavery had, in fact, beee had been some probability in the midsummer of 1864, became impossible, in view of the rapid milita[3 more...]
July 18th (search for this): chapter 34
on, let us labour to give it legal form and practical effect. He thus clearly declared that abolition by an amendment of the Constitution was the legal form of procedure, which alone can meet and cover all cavils. But the pressure of the canvass soon drove him away from this position; and forced him to propound a project for the abolition of slavery by unconstitutional proceeding. This project was interpolated by Mr. Lincoln into the platform of his party in his notable rescript of the 18th of July, dated from the Executive chamber, and addressed To whom it may concern. That extraordinary and unique partisan document was promulgated under the following circumstances: Early in the summer of 1864, the Confederate Government had sent, as we have seen, a commission of intelligent persons to Canada, as a convenient and important theatre for the presence of a judicious agency. The commission held no specific authority themselves to participate directly in any conference with the Gove
May 31st (search for this): chapter 34
nservatives denied the right to impose extra-constitutional conditions on the returning States; the Government party asserted this right, and asserted it wantonly. In that point of view the issue was vital. Why abolish what was already doomed to dissolution? Slavery had received its death-blow; why overleap the Constitution to cut its throat? The Radical party did not insist upon thrusting its extreme demands as issues into the canvass. They held a convention at Cleveland, as early as May 31, and proposed a platform by way of preserving for its leading spirits a consistent record. They nominated John C. Fremont for the Presidency, and a very weak and rather obscure apostate from the Democratic party, John Cochrane, for the Vice-Presidency. All this, however, was for little more than mere form's sake. No effort was made to draw off voters from the body of the party, which supported the Government candidates; and none were drawn off. In his letter of acceptance, Gen. Fremont ex
July 4th, 1863 AD (search for this): chapter 34
aints, who, by their superiour talents and principles, shall receive the grateful homage of an appreciative and admiring nation. Gen. Banks said, when in the House of Representatives, that in regard to whether the white or black race was superiour, he proposed to wait till time should develop whether the white race should absorb the black, or the black the white. Wendell Phillips, the ablest and the boldest of them all, said, in 1863: Remember this, the youngest of you, that on the 4th day of July, 1863, you heard a man say, that in the light of all history, in virtue of every page he ever read, lie was an amalgamationist to the utmost extent. I have no hope for the future, as this country has no past, but in that sublime mingling of races, which is God's own method of civilizing and elevating the world. God, by the events of His providence, is crushing out the hatred of race that has crippled this country until to-day. Theodore Tilton also said, that, the history of the world's c
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