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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
e slaves and other colored persons under the new law. In a letter read in his absence, he impugned the constitutionality both of the law of 1850 and of that of 1793 which it amended, alleging that Massachusetts accepted the compromise clause in the Federal Constitution concerning runaways on the understanding that the claim should be enforced in conformity to and in coincidence with the known and established principles of her own Constitution. Charles Francis Adams, who presided, and Richard H. Dana, Jr., who offered the resolutions, called for the instant repeal, at the next session of Congress, of a measure both unconstitutional and repugnant to the moral sense, and promised to help defend the colored people, whom they advised to remain. Ten days before, at Belknap-Street Church, this Oct. 4, 1850. class of citizens had resolved to arm, and to resist the kidnapper to the death. Mr. Garrison, while Lib. 20.162. admonishing them that fugitives would be more indebted to the moral p
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 11: George Thompson, M. P.—1851. (search)
ance as Lib. 21.59, 70. made the rendition seem to the South a Pyrrhic Lib. 21.73. vic tory. The N. Y. Herald estimated that the capture, trial, and return of Sims cost the Federal Government nearly $6000, and his owner half as much (Lib. 22: 77). The sum of $90,000 inserted in the Deficiency Bill by the Senate of the 31st Congress (session 1851-52) for Judicial Expenses was ascribed to the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. Josiah Quincy, also a disappointed prophet, said to Richard H. Dana, Jr.: When the [Fugitive Slave] law passed, I did think the moral Lib. 21.83. sense of the community would not enforce it; I said that it Ante, p. 303. never would be. But now I find that my fellow-citizens are not only submissive to, but that they are earnestly active for, its enforcement. The Boston of 1851 is not the Boston of 1775. Boston has now become a mere shop—a place for buying and selling goods; and I suppose, also, of buying and selling men. Sims was carried off on
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 13: the Bible Convention.—1853. (search)
, 2.247-249. Hale's political attitude towards slavery, under the compromises of the Constitution, certainly had not been acceptable to the abolitionists; but his solitary courage amid a contemptuous and murderous pro-slavery body like the Senate of the United States deserved, and had always received, recognition in the Liberator. Mr. Lib. 23:[83]. Garrison, therefore, took his place without scruple beside Charles Sumner, John G. Palfrey, Horace Mann, Henry Wilson, Anson Burlingame, Richard H. Dana, Jr., John Jay, and Joshua Leavitt. On Cassius Clay's offering the toast—The True Union: To Benton, to Bryant, to T. H. Benton. W. C. Bryant. W. H. Seward. H. Greeley. Seward, to Greeley, to Garrison, to Phillips, to Quincy— the union of all the opponents of the propaganda of slavery, there were loud calls for Garrison, who responded with peculiar felicity, paying just tributes to Hale and to Lib. 23.74. Clay, The first meeting of Garrison and C. M. Clay, whenever it took place, was