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Garrett Davis (search for this): chapter 6
the United States. As usual in such debates Sumner was reminded—this time by Hendricks and Garrett Davis Davis said, Jan. 13, 1864, that Sumner, when he took his oath, had treason in his heart aDavis said, Jan. 13, 1864, that Sumner, when he took his oath, had treason in his heart and upon his lips. The same reminder came from Davis in the debate of Feb. 19, 1868, on the right of Philip F. Thomas to a seat in the Senate.—that he had been disloyal in his course upon the renditiDavis in the debate of Feb. 19, 1868, on the right of Philip F. Thomas to a seat in the Senate.—that he had been disloyal in his course upon the rendition of fugitive slaves; and he met the familiar thrust by distinguishing between refusing to play the part of a slave-hunter and joining in rebellion against his country. This session was signalize business. Saulsbury wanted one day without the nigger. Reverdy Johnson pleaded the absence of Davis, who desired to speak. A contest of physical endurance was at hand. The end was reached June 23, when, after Davis's speech, the Senate, reversing its former action, refused to save the Act of 1793,—some Republicans who had opposed its repeal changing their votes, and others not voting. The
Lydia Maria Child (search for this): chapter 6
licans, Collamer, Doolittle, Foster, and Sherman withheld their votes. President Lincoln signed the bill on the 28th. Full notes to Sumner's Works (vol. VIII. pp. 403-406, 415-418) state the final proceedings in detail. Sumner wrote to Mrs. Child:— The repeal of all fugitive-slave acts is of immense importance for us abroad; Earl Russell stated in the House of Lords, April 29, 1864, that the retention of this Act had repelled sympathy for the federal cause. but its practical imeasonable objection that his amendment was not germane. He regarded this law, securing equality in the courts, as the most important of all in establishing the manhood and citizenship of the colored people. In the following August he wrote to Mrs. Child: Among all the measures concerning slavery which have prevailed at the late session, I regard as first in practical value the overthrow of the rule excluding colored testimony. For this result I have labored two years. The rate of pay for c
Frederick Douglass (search for this): chapter 6
864, to Fessenden's imputation in debate that Sumner had instigated its criticisms of himself, and denied that Sumner had any complicity with them. Fessenden so far forgot himself at times as to talk audibly in the Senate while Sumner was speaking. This is stated by another senator, Mr. Conness, in an interview published in the Gold Hill (Colorado) News, and sent by him in a note to Sumner, August 22. 1865. Mr. Conness said, Mr. Fessenden was always snapping at Mr. Sumner in debate. Frederick Douglass, writing to Sumner, Sept. 9, 1869, the day after Mr. Fessenden's death, said: He [Mr. Fessenden] was never just to you, and sometimes I fear intentionally offensive; but now that his chair is vacant, and his voice silent in the Senate, you must remember with satisfaction your forbearance towards him and your freedom from bitter retort when his words and bearing seemed to invite other treatment. The unpleasant scene, lasting for some minutes, was closed by Sherman, who recalled the Sena
Saulsbury (search for this): chapter 6
ported by Sumner's committee passed the House and reached the Senate. Sumner reported this bill promptly from his committee, and resolutely pressed its consideration against dilatory motions and appeals for the substitution of other business. Saulsbury wanted one day without the nigger. Reverdy Johnson pleaded the absence of Davis, who desired to speak. A contest of physical endurance was at hand. The end was reached June 23, when, after Davis's speech, the Senate, reversing its former acts, vol. VIII. pp. 103-117. The amendment was rejected, June 21, by fourteen to sixteen,—Foster, Grimes, Sherman, and Trumbull voting nay; but moved again by Sumner on the same day, it passed by a vote of seventeen to sixteen. The opposition of Saulsbury, Powell, and Willey abounded in ribaldry. Republican senators—Trumbull, Sherman, Doolittle, and Grimes, as well as Reverdy Johnson—contended that an express prohibition was superfluous, as the exclusion was already forbidden by the common law;<
J. R. Doolittle (search for this): chapter 6
then consummated by a vote of twenty-seven to twelve. The nays were mostly Democrats; but among Republicans, Collamer, Doolittle, Foster, and Sherman withheld their votes. President Lincoln signed the bill on the 28th. Full notes to Sumner's Wo sixteen. The opposition of Saulsbury, Powell, and Willey abounded in ribaldry. Republican senators—Trumbull, Sherman, Doolittle, and Grimes, as well as Reverdy Johnson—contended that an express prohibition was superfluous, as the exclusion was alragainst slavery in its original shape, and in all its brood of prejudice and error. Four years later, in the Senate, Mr. Doolittle, distinguishing Sumner from his colleague Wilson, who had at the beginning taken an opposite view, said of Sumner thaim no friends. （Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. p. 100.) Its exhibitions were frequent, as in debate with Doolittle, July 26, 1866. (Congressional Globe, pp. 41674168.) The New York Independent in a discriminating tribute to Mr. Fesse<
William Curtis Noyes (search for this): chapter 6
ight on the movement. Republican conferences were held in the city of New York for the purpose of making a change: one at D. D. Field's house, August 14, where representative men were present,—Greeley, Parke Godwin of the Evening Post, William Curtis Noyes, Henry Winter Davis, Dr. Lieber, Lieber wrote Sumner, September 16, that he wished Lincoln could know that the people were to vote not for him but against McClellan. and twenty or more besides. It was agreed that a committee should reited this country the same season, brought letters to Sumner from the Duchess of Argyll. He attended the Saturday Club dinners, at one of which as a guest was Chase, just resigned from the Cabinet, and on his way to the White Mountains. William Curtis Noyes was another guest. He dined with J. B. Smith when the latter entertained Auguste Laugel; he dined often at Mr. Hooper's, took tea at Mrs. J. E. Lodge's, and passed an evening at James T. Fields's. He began sittings with Milmore for his bus
House (search for this): chapter 6
iness of all kinds, and the various questions of slavery and of England, and I wish for a day of rest. Lord Lyons said to him at this time, You do take good care of my treaties. One of them related to the Hudson Bay Company and Puget Sound. At this as also at the preceding session Sumner reported a bill for the payment of the French Spoliation Claims, which had been pressed on Congress from the beginning of the century,—meeting generally the favor of committees, sometimes passing one House and failing in the other; twice passing both Houses, and then arrested by the Executive veto. He now took up the subject anew, making an exhaustive report, which traced the history and maintained the justice and equity of the claims. April 4, 1864. Works, vol. VIII. pp. 244-346. The research and treatment of this subject alone would have been thought a good session's work for most public men. It fills nearly one hundred and fifty pages of the report, and one hundred pages of Sumner'
Francis G. Shaw (search for this): chapter 6
hall always remember with pleasure and gratitude the relations it was my privilege to enjoy with him, and shall think of his loss with sorrow. Please to accept for Miss Senior Afterwards Mrs. Simpson. also my compliments and sympathies. To Mr. and Mrs. Francis G. Shaw, October 28:— Again you are called to feel the calamity of this war. I sorrow with you most sincerely. There are very few persons of whom I have seen so little who interested me so much as Colonel Lowell. CharlesMrs. Francis G. Shaw, October 28:— Again you are called to feel the calamity of this war. I sorrow with you most sincerely. There are very few persons of whom I have seen so little who interested me so much as Colonel Lowell. Charles R. Lowell, killed Oct. 20, 1864, in battle in Virginia. He was beautiful in character as in countenance. He is another sacrifice to slavery. When at last our triumph is won, his name must be inscribed on that martyr list, without which slavery would have been supreme on the continent. I hope that his widowed wife, your noble daughter, may be comforted. She begins life where others end it; but she has a fountain of precious thoughts forever. Let her know, if you please, how truly I share he
Edwin M. Stanton (search for this): chapter 6
ndrew strenuously contended that they came under the general acts which determined the pay of enlisted men, and should be paid equally with other soldiers. He, as well as Sumner, urged the secretary to rectify his action, but without avail; and Stanton became very impatient under their persistency. The question was then carried into Congress, on a joint resolution reported by Wilson. The Senate was favorable to equality of pay; but Fessenden and some other senators were indisposed to a retror. Bates, who decided in favor of the claim of the colored troops to equality of pay. Many letters on the subject passed between Governor Andrew and Sumner, and the former thanked the senator for his constant advocacy of a just measure. Neither Stanton nor Whiting intended injustice to the colored troops; but the different statutes raised a doubt which they gave in favor of the government, while fuller discussion led the attorney-general to an opposite conclusion. At this session began the
Nicolay (search for this): chapter 6
Trumbull once told Fessenden that his ill-temper had left him no friends. （Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. p. 100.) Its exhibitions were frequent, a Meanwhile I keep Mexico in my committee, where I have the Arguelles case Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. pp. 44-47. and a joint resolution from thntgomery Blair, He removed Blair, September 23, yielding to the pressure. （Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. pp. 339-342.) A resolution of the Republittee to request the Republican national committee to postpone the convention. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. pp. 57, 58. and the New York Independent.ened. At this time Mr. Lincoln himself faced defeat as altogether probable. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. pp. 249-251. The disaffection which then e counselled against any action which might be construed as hostile to him. Nicolay and Hay (Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. p. 367) are incorrect in saying that the N
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