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r officers judged that a very few hours' fire would compel the surrender or evacuation of the works; but, to their great chagrin, no opportunity was afforded to bring this professional opinion to the practical test; for it was discovered on the 4th of May that the Confederates had evacuated Yorktown. The ease with which the two-hundred and one-hundred-pounders were worked, the extraordinary accuracy of their fire, and the since ascertained effects produced upon the enemy by it, force upon me tht force, and presented merely the character of a detachment on the Confederate rear,—a species of operation which is seldom successful. Besides, it started too late and arrived too late. The Confederates evacuated Yorktown on the night of May 3-4. Franklin's division had just been disembarked from the transports, so that re-em barkation was necessary, and it did not start till the morning of the 6th, and did not make the landing near White House till the morning of the 7th. It could be of
as completed were, with a single exception, The exception was in the case of what was called Battery No. 1, which on one occasion opened on the wharf at Yorktown to prevent the enemy's receiving artillery stores. not allowed to open, as it was believed that the return fire would interfere with the labor on other works. It was preferred to wait till the preparations should be complete, and then open a simultaneous and overwhelming bombardment. This period would have been reached by the 6th of May at latest. The artillery and engineer officers judged that a very few hours' fire would compel the surrender or evacuation of the works; but, to their great chagrin, no opportunity was afforded to bring this professional opinion to the practical test; for it was discovered on the 4th of May that the Confederates had evacuated Yorktown. The ease with which the two-hundred and one-hundred-pounders were worked, the extraordinary accuracy of their fire, and the since ascertained effects prod
risonburg. Fremont was at Franklin, across the mountains; but one of his brigades, under Milroy, had burst beyond the limits of the Mountain Department, and seemed to be moving to make a junction with Banks, with the design, as Jackson thought, of advancing on Staunton. Jackson determined to attack these forces in detail. Accordingly, he posted Ewell so as to hold Banks in check, whilst he himself moved to Staunton. From here he threw forward five brigades, under General Edward Johnson (May 7), to attack Milroy. The latter retreated to his mountain fastness, and took position at a point named McDowell, where, re-enforced by the brigade of Schenck, he engaged Johnson, but was forced to retire on Fremont's main body at Franklin. Having thus thrown off Milroy eccentrically from communication with Banks, Jackson returned (May 14) to destroy the force under that officer. But during Jackson's pursuit of Milroy, Banks, discovering his danger, had retired to Strasburg, followed by Ewe
June 17th (search for this): chapter 4
d McDowell's army to join McClellan, a fresh appeal to the fears of the administration for the safety of Washington was the shrewdly chosen means of again diverting that force. When this had had its intended effect, Jackson, with his whole command, now raised to about twenty-five thousand men, was ordered to march rapidly and secretly in the direction of Richmond. He set out from the vicinity of Port Republic (where he had remained since the termination of the Valley campaign) on the 17th of June, and moving by way of Gordonsville and the line of the Virginia Central Railroad, pushed his advance so vigorously that on the 25th he struck Ashland, on the Fredericksburg Railroad, twelve miles from Richmond. With such skill did Jackson manage his march, that not General McClellan, nor yet Banks, nor Fremont, nor McDowell, knew aught of it; A deserter from Jackson's force came into the Union lines on the 24th, and stated that Jackson was moving from Gordonsville, along the line of t
February 27th (search for this): chapter 4
lection of Memoirs dictated to Montholon and Gourgaud (Historical Miscellanies, vol. II., pp. 373, et seq.) It was an undertaking eminently characteristic of the American genius, and of a people distinguished above all others for the ease with which it executes great material enterprises— a people rich in resources and in the faculty of creating resources. Yet, when one reflects that at the time the order was given to provide transportation for the Army to the Peninsula, which was the 27th of February, this had first of all to be created; and when one learns that in a little over a month from that date there had been chartered and assembled no fewer than four hundred steamers and sailing-craft, and that upon them had been transported from Alexandria and Washington to Fortress Monroe an army of one hundred and twenty-one thousand five hundred men, fourteen thousand five hundred and ninety-two animals, forty-four batteries, and the wagons and ambulances, ponton-trains, telegraph mater
August, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 4
IV. the Peninsular campaign. March—August, 1862. I. Before Yorktown. To take up an army of over one hundred thousand men, transport it and all its immense material by water, and plant it down on a new theatre of operations near two hundred miles distant, is an enterprise the details of which must be studied ere its colossal magnitude can be adequately apprehended. Perhaps the best light in which such an operation may be read is furnished in Napoleon's elaborate Notes on his intended invasion of Great Britain in 1805, when he proposed to transport an army of one hundred and fifty thousand men in four thousand vessels from Boulogne to the English coast. As a military operation, there is, of course, no comparison to be made, because the Army of the Potomac had at Fortress Monroe an assured base in advance. It is simply as a material enterprise that there is a similarity. These notes are given in the collection of Memoirs dictated to Montholon and Gourgaud (Historical Misc
s a bridge. Shields was moving up the east side of the river, was close at hand, and might prevent his crossing, or might form a junction with Fremont. Both results were to be prevented. Jackson threw forward his own division to Port Republic (June 7) to cover the bridge; and left Ewell's division five miles back on the road on which Fremont was following—the road from Harrisonburg to Port Republic. Next day Fremont attacked Ewell's five brigades, with the view of turning his right and gettiof June, he wrote: I only wait for the river to fall to cross with the rest of the force and make a general attack. Should I find them holding firm in a very strong position, I may wait for what troops I can bring up from Fort Monroe. On the 7th of June: I shall be in perfect readiness to move forward and take Richmond the moment that McCall reaches here, and the ground will admit the passage of artillery. McCall's division (of McDowell's force) arrived on the 12th and 13th, which increased
, slipped between the two, and made good his retreat up the Valley, leaving his opponents to follow in a long and fruitless Chevy Chase, all the time a day behind. The pursuers did their best: they pushed on, Fremont following in the path of Jackson up the Valley of the Shenandoah; while McDowell sent forward Shields' division by the lateral Luray Valley, with a view to head him off when he should attempt to break through the gaps of the Blue Ridge. Jackson reached Harrisonburg on the 5th of June; Fremont the next day. There Jackson diverged eastward to cross the Shenandoah at Port Republic, the only point where there was a bridge. Shields was moving up the east side of the river, was close at hand, and might prevent his crossing, or might form a junction with Fremont. Both results were to be prevented. Jackson threw forward his own division to Port Republic (June 7) to cover the bridge; and left Ewell's division five miles back on the road on which Fremont was following—the ro
apt to hesitate even in conjunctures wherein the worst course was preferable to doing nothing. To whatever subtile cause, deep seated in the structure of his mind—to whatever excess of lymph in his blood this may have been due—it certainly marred his eminent capacity as a soldier. There is something painful and at the same time almost ludicrous in the evidence, found in his official dispatches, of this ever-about-to-do non-performance. On the day succeeding the action of Fair Oaks, the 2d of June, he wrote: I only wait for the river to fall to cross with the rest of the force and make a general attack. Should I find them holding firm in a very strong position, I may wait for what troops I can bring up from Fort Monroe. On the 7th of June: I shall be in perfect readiness to move forward and take Richmond the moment that McCall reaches here, and the ground will admit the passage of artillery. McCall's division (of McDowell's force) arrived on the 12th and 13th, which increased his
were actively pushed forward during the night; but through some accidental circumstances, a portion of Sumner's line having become engaged on the morning of the 1st of June, there ensued a rencounter of some severity, which lasted for two or three hours. It ended, however, after some brisk sallies, in the withdrawal of the entire Ctions held previous to the action. Through one of those odd freaks that sometimes overtake the record of military events, the history of the operation of the 1st of June has been made to assume a magnitude altogether beyond its real proportions. There are on record official reports and official testimony that would make one belented from resuming his attack on the enemy's position next morning by the discovery of strong intrenchments not seen on the previous evening. On the morning of June 1st the enemy attacked the brigade of General Pickett, which was sup ported by that of General Pryor. The attack was vigorously repelled by these two brigades, the
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