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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir. Search the whole document.

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Geneva (Switzerland) (search for this): chapter 25
istant Secretary, Bancroft Davis, with whom, as well as with his two superiors, I was in close and constant correspondence. If nothing more, the messages I sent served to show how anxious Gladstone and his colleagues were to arrive at a happy understanding with America. The treaty was promptly ratified by the Senate. Its stipulations provided that the principal points at issue should be submitted to a Tribunal of Arbitration composed of five members of different nationalities, to sit at Geneva. In December, 1871, the Tribunal met, and the parties to the dispute put in their statements. Bancroft Davis was the agent of the United States. William M. Evarts, Caleb Cushing, and Morrison R. Waite were counsel on the American side. In the American case the question of consequential damages was proposed. The claims were not elaborately maintained, but the inquiry was made whether they could not be considered. At first their presentation met no disapproval in England. The claims them
Canada (Canada) (search for this): chapter 25
ley's first communication to the British Foreign Office. It was also important to neutralize the outgivings in society, for word had been brought from several sources to the State Department that the tone of the Minister's conversations was at variance with his instructions. In the first months of Grant's Administration Sir John Rose, then the Canadian Premier, was in Washington acting as commissioner under a previous treaty to settle certain disputed points between the United States and Canada; and in this international character he often met the Secretary of State. Fish from the first had conceived the idea of an arrangement between the two countries almost identical with that which in the end was arrived at. On this account, perhaps, he was all the more dissatisfied with Motley's course, though he bore with him until it became indispensable to appoint a successor. In conversation with Rose, who was a shrewd, longheaded man, the idea was thrown out that an accommodation betwe
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 25
fied by the selection of Lord Ashburton and Lord Elgin as plenipotentiaries. Not, he said, that Americans thought more of lords than of other men, but they knew that the English did, and that therefore it was a compliment for the English Government to send a peer to Washington. Rose took the idea at once; and then Fish developed the points on which he thought the two Administrations might agree. He said he was sure that an expression of regret on the part of England for the escape of the Alabama would be indispensable. He was the last man, he declared, who would consent to the humiliation of his own country, and the last to ask of another statesman what he would himself refuse under similar circumstances; but this he thought England might fairly concede, and the weight of the concession in the subsequent discussions would be enormous. He also suggested arbitration, and indicated the line on which he thought negotiations might proceed. Rose left for England shortly afterward and
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 25
acting as commissioner under a previous treaty to settle certain disputed points between the United States and Canada; and in this international character he often met the Secretary of State. Fish foccasions shown great tact, and even wisdom, in sending special envoys to negotiate with the United States; that the Americans had been pleased with the compliment and especially gratified by the seld commissioners on the part of Great Britain to settle all outstanding difficulties with the United States. Fish had suggested that Rose should be one of the commissioners, but Rose thought he couldand the parties to the dispute put in their statements. Bancroft Davis was the agent of the United States. William M. Evarts, Caleb Cushing, and Morrison R. Waite were counsel on the American side. ure, nobody living knows better than I. No finer diplomatic services were ever rendered the United States; not even those of Adams during the Rebellion were more arduous or indispensable. A single
Halifax (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 25
might have an opportunity of meeting Mr. Gladstone. The Prime Minister then communicated to me his views on several of the points at issue. He particularly desired to indicate his anxiety for the success of the negotiations and his intention to do all in his power to further this end. He talked at length and confidentially, and with the expectation that I would make known his opinions to the President. Of course I wrote them out that night and forwarded them to Washington. Forster and Halifax also communicated to me very fully their views, all of which I duly transmitted either to the President or the Secretary of State, or sometimes to the Assistant Secretary, Bancroft Davis, with whom, as well as with his two superiors, I was in close and constant correspondence. If nothing more, the messages I sent served to show how anxious Gladstone and his colleagues were to arrive at a happy understanding with America. The treaty was promptly ratified by the Senate. Its stipulations
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 25
that England should withdraw her flag from this continent as a preliminary to any further negotiation. Needless to say no such proviso appeared in the compact or was ever proposed to any British representative. Rose returned to England, and immediately afterward Lord de Grey, Sir Stafford Northcote, and Professor Mountague Bernard, of Oxford University, together with Sir John MacDonald, at that time Canadian Premier, and Sir Edward Thornton were appointed commissioners on the part of Great Britain to settle all outstanding difficulties with the United States. Fish had suggested that Rose should be one of the commissioners, but Rose thought he could do better service in London. It was also at one time proposed that John Bright should join the British representation, but to this Fish objected, because he said Bright was so committed to the American view that his action would have less weight in England. Lord de Grey, afterwards Lord Ripon, was a member of Gladstone's cabinet, an
Stafford Northcote (search for this): chapter 25
this continent as a preliminary to any further negotiation. Needless to say no such proviso appeared in the compact or was ever proposed to any British representative. Rose returned to England, and immediately afterward Lord de Grey, Sir Stafford Northcote, and Professor Mountague Bernard, of Oxford University, together with Sir John MacDonald, at that time Canadian Premier, and Sir Edward Thornton were appointed commissioners on the part of Great Britain to settle all outstanding difficulte British representation, but to this Fish objected, because he said Bright was so committed to the American view that his action would have less weight in England. Lord de Grey, afterwards Lord Ripon, was a member of Gladstone's cabinet, and Northcote, afterward Lord Iddesleigh, belonged to the opposition. The American commissioners were the Secretary of State, General Schenck, the newly appointed Minister to England, Judge Nelson of the Supreme Court (a Democrat), ex-Attorney-General Hoar,
Mountague Bernard (search for this): chapter 25
angements made were in reality those of Fish and Rose. It was at this time that Fish consulted Sumner, and the Senator laid down the impossible but indispensable stipulation that England should withdraw her flag from this continent as a preliminary to any further negotiation. Needless to say no such proviso appeared in the compact or was ever proposed to any British representative. Rose returned to England, and immediately afterward Lord de Grey, Sir Stafford Northcote, and Professor Mountague Bernard, of Oxford University, together with Sir John MacDonald, at that time Canadian Premier, and Sir Edward Thornton were appointed commissioners on the part of Great Britain to settle all outstanding difficulties with the United States. Fish had suggested that Rose should be one of the commissioners, but Rose thought he could do better service in London. It was also at one time proposed that John Bright should join the British representation, but to this Fish objected, because he sa
Hoar (search for this): chapter 25
should join the British representation, but to this Fish objected, because he said Bright was so committed to the American view that his action would have less weight in England. Lord de Grey, afterwards Lord Ripon, was a member of Gladstone's cabinet, and Northcote, afterward Lord Iddesleigh, belonged to the opposition. The American commissioners were the Secretary of State, General Schenck, the newly appointed Minister to England, Judge Nelson of the Supreme Court (a Democrat), ex-Attorney-General Hoar, and the actual law officer of the Government, Attorney-General Williams. It was at this juncture that the Administration requested its friends in the Senate to select another chairman for the Committee on Foreign Affairs, as Sumner's impracticable doctrines, as well as his refusal to speak to either the President or the Secretary of State made the treaty an impossibility if he remained in the place. Sumner was removed, and the negotiations proceeded successfully. In less than tw
William M. Evarts (search for this): chapter 25
Tribunal of Arbitration composed of five members of different nationalities, to sit at Geneva. In December, 1871, the Tribunal met, and the parties to the dispute put in their statements. Bancroft Davis was the agent of the United States. William M. Evarts, Caleb Cushing, and Morrison R. Waite were counsel on the American side. In the American case the question of consequential damages was proposed. The claims were not elaborately maintained, but the inquiry was made whether they could not national wrong, while the glory of settling peacefully a tremendous difference with to us at least the most important of modern nations will be Grant's greatest proof of statesmanship. For given all the honor they deserve to Fish and Schenck and Evarts and Bancroft Davis and Cushing and Waite—and no other Americans have earned equal credit in our day for any single act of civil life—still Grant was the head; it was for him always to decide. If he had been backward or uncertain, if he had faile
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