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Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
, and retracted what he had said, with tones and glances that repaid me for all the pain he had inflicted. All that day he took care in a hundred little ways to do me kindnesses and to show that he was striving to make amends. For this stubborn, silent soldier was as considerate for the sensitiveness of a friend as ever he was anxious for the welfare of the State or for victory over a rebellious enemy. General Sherman to General Badeau. headquarters Army of the United States, Washington, D. C., Feb. 12, 1882. dear Badeau,—. . . I rather like the idea of your preparing a History of Reconstruction; only it seems to me that it will be a tight squeeze to get all the essential facts into a small volume of the size of Scribner. It will be better to collect the materials and allow the size to result from them. Reconstruction was a corollary of the war, and forms a continuation of the subject-matter of your past work, and it so happens that your Hero in war was Leader in the Re
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
ers of the peace and criminals. These commanders were expressly authorized to supersede the civil courts by military tribunals, and all civil or State government whatever was declared provisional and subject to the paramount authority of the United States. This military rule was to continue till the colored population was allowed to vote, and the amendment already rejected should be ratified. Then, and not till then, would the seceded States be admitted to their former position in the Union,once he accepted the new faith, he remained firm. Six weeks before the passage of the reconstruction measures he wrote to General Howard, at that time in command of the Freedmen's Bureau: [Confidential.] headquarters armies of the United States, Washington, January 18, 1867. dear General,—Will you be kind enough to send me a list of authenticated cases of murder and other violence upon freedmen, Northern or other Union men, refugees, etc., in the Southern States for the last six
Andrew Johnson (search for this): chapter 7
had been brought about not only by his deference to the decision of the North, and his indignation at the chicanery of Johnson, but in a great degree by the action of the Southerners themselves. The President's course had aroused a temper at the them. Sheridan, who was in command at New Orleans, found it necessary to remove certain civil officers, and immediately Johnson claimed that district commanders had no power under the law to make such removals. In this he was supported by his Attohy of an experienced politician. The fact is that Grant was a close observer and an apt scholar; his experience with Andrew Johnson taught him that frankness with such an opponent was giving away the game, and he never liked to be beaten. He was aled, he concealed, or withheld, a great deal from friends as well as foes. He did not furnish a copy of this letter to Mr. Johnson. At the same time that he wrote to Sheridan he sent the following letter to Washburne: Everything is getting
Comg (search for this): chapter 7
ed cases of murder and other violence upon freedmen, Northern or other Union men, refugees, etc., in the Southern States for the last six months or a year. My object in this is to make a report showing that the courts in the States excluded from Congress afford no security to life or property of the classes here referred to, and to recommend that martial law be declared over such districts as do not afford the proper protection. Yours truly, U. S. Grant, General. To General O. O. Howard, Comg. Freedmen's Bureau, etc. On the 4th of March, two days after the passage of the Reconstruction bill, he wrote to his intimate friend Washburne, who was then abroad: . . . Reconstruction measures have passed both houses of Congress over one of the most ridiculous veto messages that ever emanated from any President. Jerry Black is supposed to be the author of it. He has been about Washington for some time, and I am told has been a great deal about the White House. It is a fitting en
Monroe (search for this): chapter 7
what decisions are to be made. That then you make up your mind fully as to the proper course to pursue, and pursue it, without fear, and take the consequences. I would not advise you to any course that I would not pursue myself, under like circumstances, nor do I believe that I advise against your own inclinations. I will keep you advised officially or otherwise of all that affects you. I think it will be well for you to send me a statement of your reasons for removing Herron, Abell, and Monroe. It may not be called for, but twice the question has been asked why you removed them. This letter marks what to me was a new development in Grant's character. He was becoming accustomed to the wiles that he found he must fight, and at this period displayed a greater degree of adroitness than I often noticed in him, before or afterward. The skill with which he points out to Sheridan how to avoid a premature conflict with the Executive; the nice point he makes that though the Attorney-
Ulysses S. Grant (search for this): chapter 7
kind enough to send me a list of authenticated cases of murder and other violence upon freedmen, Northern or other Union men, refugees, etc., in the Southern States for the last six months or a year. My object in this is to make a report showing that the courts in the States excluded from Congress afford no security to life or property of the classes here referred to, and to recommend that martial law be declared over such districts as do not afford the proper protection. Yours truly, U. S. Grant, General. To General O. O. Howard, Comg. Freedmen's Bureau, etc. On the 4th of March, two days after the passage of the Reconstruction bill, he wrote to his intimate friend Washburne, who was then abroad: . . . Reconstruction measures have passed both houses of Congress over one of the most ridiculous veto messages that ever emanated from any President. Jerry Black is supposed to be the author of it. He has been about Washington for some time, and I am told has been a great dea
Elihu B. Washburne (search for this): chapter 7
s do not afford the proper protection. Yours truly, U. S. Grant, General. To General O. O. Howard, Comg. Freedmen's Bureau, etc. On the 4th of March, two days after the passage of the Reconstruction bill, he wrote to his intimate friend Washburne, who was then abroad: . . . Reconstruction measures have passed both houses of Congress over one of the most ridiculous veto messages that ever emanated from any President. Jerry Black is supposed to be the author of it. He has been abouvertheless, though he never pretended, he concealed, or withheld, a great deal from friends as well as foes. He did not furnish a copy of this letter to Mr. Johnson. At the same time that he wrote to Sheridan he sent the following letter to Washburne: Everything is getting on well here now under the Congressional Reconstruction bill, and all will be well if Administration and Copperhead influence do not defeat the objects of that measure. So far there has been no absolute interferenc
U. S. Grant (search for this): chapter 7
rejected it. When this result became known Grant's predictions were speedily verified. Congreslarge majorities over the President's veto. Grant was at this time completely in accord with thecourse had aroused a temper at the South which Grant believed dangerous to the safety of the countr to you freely as I feel upon all matters. Grant's apprehensions in regard to the President werhis he was supported by his Attorney-General. Grant telegraphed to Sheridan, approving his course,tter marks what to me was a new development in Grant's character. He was becoming accustomed to thf an experienced politician. The fact is that Grant was a close observer and an apt scholar; his ed showing his hand. I have heard men say that Grant was the profoundest dissembler of his time. Ioccurred that illustrates one of the traits of Grant little known to the world at large—his regard o his own. The controversy became excited, and Grant himself took part. At last he exclaimed: Why,
Adam Badeau (search for this): chapter 7
nd maintaining my views with fervor though they were contrary to his own. The controversy became excited, and Grant himself took part. At last he exclaimed: Why, Badeau, I believe you are a Copperhead. I felt the blood mount to my forehead at the taunt, so unusual from him, and could hardly speak for a moment. Then I stammered derate for the sensitiveness of a friend as ever he was anxious for the welfare of the State or for victory over a rebellious enemy. General Sherman to General Badeau. headquarters Army of the United States, Washington, D. C., Feb. 12, 1882. dear Badeau,—. . . I rather like the idea of your preparing a History of ReconsBadeau,—. . . I rather like the idea of your preparing a History of Reconstruction; only it seems to me that it will be a tight squeeze to get all the essential facts into a small volume of the size of Scribner. It will be better to collect the materials and allow the size to result from them. Reconstruction was a corollary of the war, and forms a continuation of the subject-matter of your past work,
O. O. Howard (search for this): chapter 7
blacks, it must be kept under military rule. The process of conversion was slow, and the convert unwilling—but when once he accepted the new faith, he remained firm. Six weeks before the passage of the reconstruction measures he wrote to General Howard, at that time in command of the Freedmen's Bureau: [Confidential.] headquarters armies of the United States, Washington, January 18, 1867. dear General,—Will you be kind enough to send me a list of authenticated cases of murder anluded from Congress afford no security to life or property of the classes here referred to, and to recommend that martial law be declared over such districts as do not afford the proper protection. Yours truly, U. S. Grant, General. To General O. O. Howard, Comg. Freedmen's Bureau, etc. On the 4th of March, two days after the passage of the Reconstruction bill, he wrote to his intimate friend Washburne, who was then abroad: . . . Reconstruction measures have passed both houses of C
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