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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition.. Search the whole document.

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Horatio Sharpe (search for this): chapter 22
served to themselves the power of giving and granting by their representatives. The colonies, when they emigrated, carried their birthright with them; and the same spirit of liberty still pervades the whole of the New Empire. H. Hammersley to Sharpe. He proceeded to show, from the principles and precedents of English law, that none could be taxed unless by their representatives; that the clergy, the Counties Palatine, Wales, Calais, and Berwick, were never taxed till they sent members to pareb. taining their dependence; for America felt that she could better do without England than England without America; and he reminded the house, that inflexibility lost to the Court of Vienna the dominion of the Low Countries. H. Hammersley to Sharpe. Thus he reasoned in a strain of eloquence, which Pitt called divine. Chatham Correspondence, II. 368. The editor erroneously dates the letter 15 Jan. It was of 4 February. I cannot sit silent, replied Northington, the. Lord Chancellor, s
Grafton (search for this): chapter 22
Chapter 22: Parliament Affirms its right to tax America—Rocking-Ham's administration continued. The Third of February, 1766. it was the third day of February, when the Duke of chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. Grafton himself offered in the House of Lords the resolution, which was in direct contradiction to his wishes. At the same time he recommended lenient measures. Shelburne proposed to repeal the Stamp Act, and avoid a decision on the question of right. If you exempt the American colonies from one statute or law, said Lyttelton, you make them independent communities. If opinions of this weight are to be taken up and argued upon through mistake or timidity, we shall have Lycurguses and Solons in every coffee house, tavern, and gin shop in London. Many thousands in England who have no vote in electing representatives will follow their brethren in America in refusing submission to any taxes. The Commons will with pleasure hear the doctrine of equality being the natural ri
Wedderburn (search for this): chapter 22
Richard Hussey, who yet was practically for humanity and justice, Blackstone, the commentator on the laws of England, chap XXII.} 1766. Feb. who still disliked internal taxation of America by parliament, the selfish, unscrupulous, unrelenting Wedderburn, filled many hours with solemn arguments for England's unlimited supremacy. They persuaded one another and the house, that the charters which kings had granted were, by the unbroken opinions of lawyers, from 1689, subordinate to the good will ich the leaders and expounders were to be new men. The moneyed interest, so firmly opposed to the legitimacy and aristocracy of the Middle Age, was to become its ally. Mansfield was its impersonation, and would transmit it, through Thurlow and Wedderburn, to Eldon. It is the office of law to decide questions of possession. The just judge is appointed to be the conservator of society. Woe hangs over the land where the absolute principles of private law are applied to questions of public law
Paulet (search for this): chapter 22
e a very good people, and I wish them exceedingly well; but they are heated and inflamed. I cannot end better than by saying, in the words of Maurice, Prince of Orange, concerning the Hollanders, God bless this industrious, frugal, well-meaning, but easily deluded people! The House of Lords accepted the argument of Mansfield as unanswerable, and when the house divided, only five peers, Camden, Shelburne, and the young Cornwallis——destined to a long and chequered career, —Torrington, and Paulet, went down below the bar. With these five, stood the invisible genius of popular reform; they began a strife which the child that was unborn would rue or would bless. The rest of the peers, one hundred and twenty-five H. Hammersley. Garth to South Carolina, 9 Feb. 1766. in number, saw with derision the small number of the visionaries. As chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. for Camden himself, they said Mansfield had utterly prostrated him. De Guerchy au Duc de Praslin, 4 Fevrier, 1766. Eve<
Campbell (search for this): chapter 22
and Camden), I declare, as a lawyer, they have forfeited all their chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. charters. My Lords, the colonies are become too big to be governed by the laws they at first set out with. They have, therefore, run into confusion, and it will be the policy of this country to form a plan of laws for them. If they withdraw allegiance, you must withdraw protection; and then the petty state of Genoa, or the little kingdom of Sweden, may run away with them. Benjamin Franklin Campbell's Chancellors, v. 204. stood listening below the bar, while the highest judicial magistrate of Great Britain was asserting the absolute, unconditional dependence of the colonies on parliament, and advising radical changes in their constitutions. Next rose Lord Mansfield, to whose authority the House of Lords paid greater deference than to that of any man living. Newton's Life of himself, 108. To him belonged the sad office of struggling to preserve the past, in which success is imposs
Beckford (search for this): chapter 22
fullest extent. Parliament might change the charters of the colonies, and much more, might tallage them; though, in point of policy, justice, or equity, it was a power that ought to be exercised in the most extraordinary cases only. Garth to South Carolina, 9 Feb. 1756. I have an exceedingly copious abstract of this debate, made by Garth for South Carolina. Barre moved to strike out from the resolution the words, in all cases whatsoever. He was seconded by Pitt, and, sustained by Beckford. They contended that American taxation by parliament was against the spirit of the British constitution; against the authority of Locke, and the principles of the revolution of 1688, chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. against the right of the colonists to enjoy English liberty; against the inherent distinction between taxation and legislation, which pervaded modern history; against the solemn compacts which parliament itself had recognised as existing between the crown and the colonies; against the
Isaac Barre (search for this): chapter 22
er set of resolutions of an opposite character. Dowdeswell, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, defended the proposition in its fullest extent. Parliament might change the charters of the colonies, and much more, might tallage them; though, in point of policy, justice, or equity, it was a power that ought to be exercised in the most extraordinary cases only. Garth to South Carolina, 9 Feb. 1756. I have an exceedingly copious abstract of this debate, made by Garth for South Carolina. Barre moved to strike out from the resolution the words, in all cases whatsoever. He was seconded by Pitt, and, sustained by Beckford. They contended that American taxation by parliament was against the spirit of the British constitution; against the authority of Locke, and the principles of the revolution of 1688, chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. against the right of the colonists to enjoy English liberty; against the inherent distinction between taxation and legislation, which pervaded modern history
Maurice (search for this): chapter 22
them and yourselves, and lose them for ever. You may abdicate your right over the colonies: take care, my lords, how you do so, for such an act will be irrevocable. Proceed, then, my lords, with spirit and firmness, and when you shall have established your authority, it will then be a time to show your lenity. The Americans, as I said before, are a very good people, and I wish them exceedingly well; but they are heated and inflamed. I cannot end better than by saying, in the words of Maurice, Prince of Orange, concerning the Hollanders, God bless this industrious, frugal, well-meaning, but easily deluded people! The House of Lords accepted the argument of Mansfield as unanswerable, and when the house divided, only five peers, Camden, Shelburne, and the young Cornwallis——destined to a long and chequered career, —Torrington, and Paulet, went down below the bar. With these five, stood the invisible genius of popular reform; they began a strife which the child that was unborn w<
Hugh Hammersley (search for this): chapter 22
pirit of liberty still pervades the whole of the New Empire. H. Hammersley to Sharpe. He proceeded to show, from the principles and precedst to the Court of Vienna the dominion of the Low Countries. H. Hammersley to Sharpe. Thus he reasoned in a strain of eloquence, whichp than the Revolution, as this country never had one before; H. Hammersley's Report Ms. and in the reign of King William an act passed, av Petition of Rights at the great era of the revolution. From H. Hammersley's Report. The colonists,—thus he continued, after having anf they are not subjects, they ought to pay duties as aliens. H. Hammersley's Report. The charter colonies had among their directors memberhear this, is stamped with every badge of subordination; H. Hammersley. and a particular saving as to all English acts of parliament.d bless. The rest of the peers, one hundred and twenty-five H. Hammersley. Garth to South Carolina, 9 Feb. 1766. in number, saw with der
Camden (search for this): chapter 22
d give up their liberties? And he cited Shakspeare to prove that who steals a purse steals trash; then advising the Lords to firmness towards the colonies, he concluded with an admonition from Tacitus. The question before your lordships, said Camden, the youngest baron in the house, concerns the common rights of mankind. The resolution now proposed gives the legislature an absolute power of laying any tax upon America. In my own opinion, my lords, the legislature had no right to make this forward to vindicate its rightfulness, of which he saw clearly that the denial not merely invited America to independence, but also invoked changes in the British constitution. My Lords, said he, speaking for two hours and a half, in reply to Camden, as he himself says, without special premeditation, and showing by his superior familiarity with the subject, as well as his taking the lead in the discussion, how intimately he was connected with the policy he defended: My Lords, I shall s
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