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Hulseman (search for this): entry wise-henry-alexander
nd candidate B may concur with the community on the subject of this proscription alone, and upon no other subject; and yet the Know-nothings might elect B by their secret sentiment against the public sentiment. Thus it attacks not only American doctrines of expatriation, allegiance, and protection, but the equality of citizenship, and the authority of public sentiment. In the affair of Koszta, how did our blood rush to his rescue? Did the Know-nothing side with him and Mr. Marcy, or with Hulseman and Austria? If with Koszta, why? Let them ask themselves for the rationale, and see if it can in reason abide with their orders. There is no middle ground in respect to naturalization. We must either have naturalization laws and let foreigners become citizens, on equal terms of capacities and privileges, or we must exclude them altogether. If we abolish naturalization laws, we return to the European dogma: Once a citizen, always a citizen. If we let foreigners be naturalized and don'
Henry Alexander (search for this): entry wise-henry-alexander
in Nashville, Tenn., but soon returned to Accomack, where he was elected to Congress in 1833, and remained a member until 1843, when he was appointed minister to Brazil. He was a zealous advocate of the annexation of Texas. He was a member of the State constitutional convention in 1850, and was governor of Virginia from 1856 to 1860. He approved the pro-slavery constitution (Lecompton) of Kansas, and in 1859 published a treatise on territorial government, containing the doctrine of Henry Alexander wise. the right of Congress to protect slavery. The last important act of his administration was ordering the execution of John Brown (q. v.), for the raid on Harper's Ferry. In the Virginia convention, early in 1861, he advocated a peaceful settlement of difficulties with the national government; but after the ordinance of secession had been passed he took up arms against the government, became a Confederate brigadier-general, was an unsuccessful leader in western Virginia, and comma
Cotter (search for this): entry wise-henry-alexander
habitual fervor of enthusiasm in their method of handling almost every subject. The debates of the schoolmen were sharp and subtle enough; but they wanted interest and grandeur, and were besides confined to a few. They did not affect the general mass of the community. But the Bible was thrown open to all ranks and conditions, to own and read. with its wonderful table of contents, from Genesis to the Revelation. Every village in England would present the scene so well described in Burns's Cotter's Saturday night. How unlike this agitation, this shock, this angry sea, this fermentation, this shout and its echoes, this impulse and activity, this concussion, this general effect, this blow, this earthquake, this roar and dashing, this longer and louder strain, this public opinion, this liberty to all to think and speak the truth, this stirring of spirits, this opening of eyes, this zeal to know—not nothing—but the truth, that the truth might make them free. How unlike to this is Know-
Hugh Burns (search for this): entry wise-henry-alexander
ent, an habitual fervor of enthusiasm in their method of handling almost every subject. The debates of the schoolmen were sharp and subtle enough; but they wanted interest and grandeur, and were besides confined to a few. They did not affect the general mass of the community. But the Bible was thrown open to all ranks and conditions, to own and read. with its wonderful table of contents, from Genesis to the Revelation. Every village in England would present the scene so well described in Burns's Cotter's Saturday night. How unlike this agitation, this shock, this angry sea, this fermentation, this shout and its echoes, this impulse and activity, this concussion, this general effect, this blow, this earthquake, this roar and dashing, this longer and louder strain, this public opinion, this liberty to all to think and speak the truth, this stirring of spirits, this opening of eyes, this zeal to know—not nothing—but the truth, that the truth might make them free. How unlike to this
Henry Alexander Wise (search for this): entry wise-henry-alexander
Wise, Henry Alexander 1806-1876 Diplomatist; born in Drummondtown, Va., Dec. 3, 1806; was admitted to the bar at Winchester, Va., in 1828; settled in Nashville, Tenn., but soon returned to Accomack, where he was elected to Congress in 1833, and remained a member until 1843, when he was appointed minister to Brazil. He was a zealous advocate of the annexation of Texas. He was a member of the State constitutional convention in 1850, and was governor of Virginia from 1856 to 1860. He appros capture. He died in Richmond, Va., Sept. 12, 1876. Among his publications is Seven decades of the Union: memoir of John Tyler. Speech against know-nothingism. During the know-nothing agitation (q. v.), before the party was organized, Mr. Wise delivered the following speech in Congress, Sept. 18, 1852: The laws of the United States-federal and State laws—declare and defend the liberties of our people. They are free in every sense—free in the sense of Magna Charta and beyond Magn
John Tyler (search for this): entry wise-henry-alexander
Ferry. In the Virginia convention, early in 1861, he advocated a peaceful settlement of difficulties with the national government; but after the ordinance of secession had been passed he took up arms against the government, became a Confederate brigadier-general, was an unsuccessful leader in western Virginia, and commanded at Roanoke Island, but was sick at the time of its capture. He died in Richmond, Va., Sept. 12, 1876. Among his publications is Seven decades of the Union: memoir of John Tyler. Speech against know-nothingism. During the know-nothing agitation (q. v.), before the party was organized, Mr. Wise delivered the following speech in Congress, Sept. 18, 1852: The laws of the United States-federal and State laws—declare and defend the liberties of our people. They are free in every sense—free in the sense of Magna Charta and beyond Magna Charta; free by the surpassing franchise of American charters, which makes them sovereign and their wills the sources of c
Mole (search for this): entry wise-henry-alexander
angible and irresponsible, the rule of public, political right. Indeed, is this not the very essence of the higher law doctrine? It cannot be said to be legitimate public sentiment and the action of its authority. Public sentiment, proper, is a concurrence of the common mind in some conclusion, conviction, opinion, taste, or action in respect to persons or things subject to its public notice. It will and it must control the minds and actions of men, by public and conventional opinion. Count Mole said that in France it was stronger than statutes. It is so here. That it is which should decide at the polls of a republic. But here is a secret sentiment, which may be so organized as to contradict the public sentiment. Candidate A may be a native and a Protestant. and may concur with the community, if it be a Know-nothing community, on every other subject except that of proscribing Catholics and naturalized citizens; and candidate B may concur with the community on the subject of t
Martin Koszta (search for this): entry wise-henry-alexander
ht elect B by their secret sentiment against the public sentiment. Thus it attacks not only American doctrines of expatriation, allegiance, and protection, but the equality of citizenship, and the authority of public sentiment. In the affair of Koszta, how did our blood rush to his rescue? Did the Know-nothing side with him and Mr. Marcy, or with Hulseman and Austria? If with Koszta, why? Let them ask themselves for the rationale, and see if it can in reason abide with their orders. There Koszta, why? Let them ask themselves for the rationale, and see if it can in reason abide with their orders. There is no middle ground in respect to naturalization. We must either have naturalization laws and let foreigners become citizens, on equal terms of capacities and privileges, or we must exclude them altogether. If we abolish naturalization laws, we return to the European dogma: Once a citizen, always a citizen. If we let foreigners be naturalized and don't extend to them equality of privileges, we set up classes and distinctions of persons wholly opposed to republicanism. We will, as Rome did,
English Roman Catholics (search for this): entry wise-henry-alexander
rike at the very equality of citizenship, or allow him to enjoy all its lawful privileges? If Catholics and naturalized citizens are to be citizens and yet to be proscribed from office, they must beommunity, if it be a Know-nothing community, on every other subject except that of proscribing Catholics and naturalized citizens; and candidate B may concur with the community on the subject of thisthem free. How unlike to this is Know-nothingism, sitting and brooding in secret to proscribe Catholics and naturalized citizens! Protestantism protested against secrecy, it protested against shuttgnores all knowledge. And its proscription can't arrest itself within the limit of excluding Catholics and naturalized citizens. It must proscribe natives and Protestants, both, who will not consent to unite in proscribing Catholics and naturalized citizens. Nor is that all; it must not only apply to birth and religion, it must necessarily extend itself to the business of life as well as to
1843 AD (search for this): entry wise-henry-alexander
Wise, Henry Alexander 1806-1876 Diplomatist; born in Drummondtown, Va., Dec. 3, 1806; was admitted to the bar at Winchester, Va., in 1828; settled in Nashville, Tenn., but soon returned to Accomack, where he was elected to Congress in 1833, and remained a member until 1843, when he was appointed minister to Brazil. He was a zealous advocate of the annexation of Texas. He was a member of the State constitutional convention in 1850, and was governor of Virginia from 1856 to 1860. He approved the pro-slavery constitution (Lecompton) of Kansas, and in 1859 published a treatise on territorial government, containing the doctrine of Henry Alexander wise. the right of Congress to protect slavery. The last important act of his administration was ordering the execution of John Brown (q. v.), for the raid on Harper's Ferry. In the Virginia convention, early in 1861, he advocated a peaceful settlement of difficulties with the national government; but after the ordinance of secession ha
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