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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). Search the whole document.

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Edward Everett (search for this): chapter 150
Doc. 145.-address of Edward Everett,--at Roxbury, Mass., May 8, 1861. Mr. Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen:--The object which brings us together, even if it had not been so satisfactorily stated and so persuasively enforced by the gentlemen who have preceded me, sufficiently explains itself. At the call of the President, seconded with the most praiseworthy and almost unexampled energy by the Governor of Massachusetts, a numerous force of volunteers has patriotically hastened to the defence of the Capital of the United States, threatened with invasion. The war, for a long time, though in profound peace secretly prepared for, has been openly commenced by the South, by the seizure of the undefended forts. arsenals, dockyards, mints, and custom houses of the United States, and the plunder of the public property contained in them, in flagrant violation of the law of the land, if the South is still in the Union, and equally flagrant violation of every principle, of international law,
the spirit in which she has commenced it, will be what the stern poet of the civil wars of Rome called a bellum plusquam civille,--a more than civil war. I deprecate, more than I can express, a war with the South. You know my political course. Logan, the Indian chief, mournfully exclaimed, Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed at me as I passed, and said, Logan is the friend of the white men! I have been pointed at for years as the friend of the South. For maintaininLogan is the friend of the white men! I have been pointed at for years as the friend of the South. For maintaining what I deemed her constitutional rights, I have suffered no small portion of obloquy, and sacrificed the favor of a large portion of the community in which I was born, and which, from my youth up, I have endeavored to serve laboriously, dutifully, and affectionately. I was willing, while this ill-starred movement was confined to the States of the extreme South, and they abstained from further aggression, that they should go in peace. This course, I thought, would retain the border States,
James Madison (search for this): chapter 150
m, prostrated in the dust to gratify the disappointed ambition of a few aspiring men, (for that Mr. Vice-President Stephens bravely told his fellow-citizens last November was the cause of a great part of our troubles, ) and this under cover of a sophistical interpretation of the Constitution, at war alike with common sense, with contemporary history, and the traditions of the Government; unsupported by a single authority among the framers of the Constitution, and emphatically denounced by Mr. Madison their leader and chief. What then remains, fellow-citizens, but that we should without unchristian bitterness toward our misguided countrymen, meet calmly and resolutely the demands of the crisis; that we should perform the duty of good citizens with resolution and steadiness; that we should cordially support the Government of the country in the difficult position in which it is placed; that we should cheer and encourage the brave men who have obeyed its call by a generous care of thei
A. H. Stephens (search for this): chapter 150
The general truth of my description of the prosperity of the country, and the genial and fostering influence of our Constitution and Laws, was as generally admitted at the South as at the North. No longer ago than the 14th of last November, Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, now Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy, and a gentleman of first rate intelligence, in a public speech at Milledgeville, declared it as his settled conviction, that the present Government of the United States, though not wids. Neither will I remain silent, and see this majestic framework of government, the noblest political fabric ever reared by human wisdom, prostrated in the dust to gratify the disappointed ambition of a few aspiring men, (for that Mr. Vice-President Stephens bravely told his fellow-citizens last November was the cause of a great part of our troubles, ) and this under cover of a sophistical interpretation of the Constitution, at war alike with common sense, with contemporary history, and the
Alexander H. Stephens (search for this): chapter 150
resent Government of the United States, though not without its defects, comes nearer the objects of all good government than any other on the face of the earth. He pronounced it a model republic, the best that the history of the world gives us any account of; and he asked in triumph, Where will you go, following the sun in his circuit round the globe, to find a government that better protects the liberties of the people, and secures to them the blessings which we enjoy? See Speech of A. H. Stephens, Nov. 14, 1861, seq. This, you will observe again, was the language of a very leading Southern statesman, the second officer.of the new Confederacy, no longer ago than last November; and, in truth, the South had and has greater cause than any other part of the Union, to be satisfied with the Government under which she lives and on which she is making war. Respected abroad as an integral portion of one of the greatest powers of the earth, mainly in virtue of the navy of the Union, of
Milledgeville (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 150
o its dangerous character, but because nothing was said about it in the speech to which I undertook to reply. The general truth of my description of the prosperity of the country, and the genial and fostering influence of our Constitution and Laws, was as generally admitted at the South as at the North. No longer ago than the 14th of last November, Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, now Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy, and a gentleman of first rate intelligence, in a public speech at Milledgeville, declared it as his settled conviction, that the present Government of the United States, though not without its defects, comes nearer the objects of all good government than any other on the face of the earth. He pronounced it a model republic, the best that the history of the world gives us any account of; and he asked in triumph, Where will you go, following the sun in his circuit round the globe, to find a government that better protects the liberties of the people, and secures to t
Hampton Roads (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 150
floats from every stronghold from which it has been stricken down. Do you think, fellow-citizens, that Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois will allow their most direct communication with the seaboard to be obstructed, at the pleasure of an alien State, at Harper's Ferry? Do you imagine that Eastern Pennsylvania and Southern New York, whose tributary waters flow through the Susquehanna into Chesapeake Bay, to say nothing of the Delaware and Chesapeake Canal, will tolerate a foreign master in Hampton Roads? Above all, do you believe that the Giant of the West will accept his pathway to the Gulf of Mexico as a privilege granted by this mushroom Confederacy? Yes, they will submit to this degrading yoke, they will acknowledge this galling usurpation; but it will be when the Alleghanies shall bow their imperial heads to the level of the sea, and the current of the Mississippi and the Missouri shall flow backward to the Rocky Mountains. My friends, I deprecate war,--no man more so; and, of
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 150
the world. I said nothing of the unhappy sectional controversy that was raging the country, not because I was insensible to its dangerous character, but because nothing was said about it in the speech to which I undertook to reply. The general truth of my description of the prosperity of the country, and the genial and fostering influence of our Constitution and Laws, was as generally admitted at the South as at the North. No longer ago than the 14th of last November, Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, now Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy, and a gentleman of first rate intelligence, in a public speech at Milledgeville, declared it as his settled conviction, that the present Government of the United States, though not without its defects, comes nearer the objects of all good government than any other on the face of the earth. He pronounced it a model republic, the best that the history of the world gives us any account of; and he asked in triumph, Where will you go, following t
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 150
lk, which guards the entrance to Chesapeake Bay; of Harper's Ferry, which commands one of the great highways from the Ohio River to the Atlantic Ocean; and, above all, of the mouth of the Mississippi, the outlet of the most extensive system of internal communication on the face of the globe. There will, in my judgment, never be peace, till the flag of the Union again floats from every stronghold from which it has been stricken down. Do you think, fellow-citizens, that Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois will allow their most direct communication with the seaboard to be obstructed, at the pleasure of an alien State, at Harper's Ferry? Do you imagine that Eastern Pennsylvania and Southern New York, whose tributary waters flow through the Susquehanna into Chesapeake Bay, to say nothing of the Delaware and Chesapeake Canal, will tolerate a foreign master in Hampton Roads? Above all, do you believe that the Giant of the West will accept his pathway to the Gulf of Mexico as a privilege granted
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 150
f. At the call of the President, seconded with the most praiseworthy and almost unexampled energy by the Governor of Massachusetts, a numerous force of volunteers has patriotically hastened to the defence of the Capital of the United States, threaton the flag of the Union, at Fort Sumter, (a fort which no more belongs to South Carolina than it does to New York or Massachusetts,) which has rallied twenty millions of freemen as one man to its defence. Following up the unprovoked and unrighteion and the most beneficent structures of peace. In this unexampled warfare, Providence, as in 1775, has accorded to Massachusetts the tearful glory of furnishing the first martyrs in the cause of the country, and, what would before have been thougorth, it has been obeyed, with an alacrity and unanimity that knows no parallel in our history; and the volunteers of Massachusetts have been the first in the field. Unwarlike in their habits and tastes, a full proportion of them in our recent keen
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