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Browsing named entities in a specific section of John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana. Search the whole document.

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Sandwich Islands (search for this): chapter 28
federal authority suggests Holman for president Opposes Cleveland for governor against him for president Supports Butler favors Randall for speaker Carlisle elected argument against internal revenue laws Civil service reform against nationalization of railroads need of opposition to government Proposes public subscription for General Grant doubts Cleveland's adherence to pledge against second term overflowing treasury Tilden on coast defence Monroe doctrine annexation of Sandwich Islands Davis and the lost cause letter on Edwin M. Stanton horizontal reduction of tariff increase of navy McKinley tariff act Sackville West's letter favors re-election of Cleveland economic utility of corporations favors protection of American railways against Canadian competition Continental union commends Harrison's inaugural address Condemns his acceptance of Cape May cottage good word for office-seekers and trusts commends Cleveland's action against Chicago strike Opposes
John Adams (search for this): chapter 28
eath of George William Curtis Samuel J. Randall Benjamin F. Butler sketches of Beach and Bennett Early in the presidential term of Rutherford B. Hayes, a movement was started at Boston to place his portrait in Memorial Hall, with those of John Adams and John Quincy Adams, the only other graduates of Harvard University who had up to that time reached the office of president. It was proposed that the portrait should be paid for by subscriptions from his fellow-graduates, and Dana was invites of the conspiracy to whom he had been chiefly indebted for its infamous success. Sooner than honorably commemorate such an event or do public homage to such a man, I beg you, gentlemen, with your own hands first to destroy the portraits of John Adams and John Quincy Adams in Memorial Hall, and then to raze to the ground the hall itself. And this was the attitude that Dana maintained throughout life towards Hayes and his cabinet. There seems to have been nothing personal in his course.
Lionel Sackville (search for this): chapter 28
ge against second term overflowing treasury Tilden on coast defence Monroe doctrine annexation of Sandwich Islands Davis and the lost cause letter on Edwin M. Stanton horizontal reduction of tariff increase of navy McKinley tariff act Sackville West's letter favors re-election of Cleveland economic utility of corporations favors protection of American railways against Canadian competition Continental union commends Harrison's inaugural address Condemns his acceptance of Cape Maeged attitude of unfriendliness towards the Irish and the Irish cause. It received the proceeds of a popular subscription for the benefit of the Irish movement under the leadership of Parnell. On the publication of an imprudent letter of Sir Lionel Sackville-West, the British minister, advising a citizen who had been a British subject to vote the Democratic ticket, it called for the dismissal of the minister, and had the satisfaction of seeing him on his way back to England within the short pe
ne 17, 1886, that Dana wrote a memorable and appreciative letter to William P. Hepburn, a member of Congress from Iowa, in reference to Stanton, late Secretary of War. As it may be justly regarded as one of the greatest and most eloquent tributes ever paid to the character and services of an American statesman, it is here given in full: I am sorry to say that my period of intimacy with Mr. Stanton, and of service under him in the War Department, did not really begin until after General McClellan had been removed. For this reason I am not able to speak upon that point from personal knowledge of my own. But upon the general question of Mr. Stanton's purposes, I can say most emphatically that in all my acquaintance with him he never had but one purpose in his mind, and this was to carry the war efficiently forward to a victorious conclusion. He had no friends but those who were of that mind, and he knew no enemies but those whom he regarded as the enemies of his country. Whoev
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 28
were not like those of any other writer, but they were exceedingly efficacious, and this kind of qualified support was partially continued up to the nomination of Lincoln. But it was never pushed to the point of entirely breaking with the Southern interest until after the Civil War began. Even then it was reported that Bennett would not hang out the stars and stripes from the Herald office until after Fulton Street had been visited by a mob. But, however that may be, it is certain that Mr. Lincoln made a great account of the Herald afterwards; and I know of my own knowledge that at one time he tendered to Mr. Bennett the appointment of minister to France. The compliment was declined; but it was appreciated, and I don't think that after that there was ever a word in the Herald which could have caused pain to Mr. Lincoln. Finally, when the career of Mr. Bennett was ended, the antagonisms and hostilities that had surrounded his life were all appeased, he breathed his last in the f
Edwin M. Stanton (search for this): chapter 28
trine annexation of Sandwich Islands Davis and the lost cause letter on Edwin M. Stanton horizontal reduction of tariff increase of navy McKinley tariff act Sa letter to William P. Hepburn, a member of Congress from Iowa, in reference to Stanton, late Secretary of War. As it may be justly regarded as one of the greatest ahere given in full: I am sorry to say that my period of intimacy with Mr. Stanton, and of service under him in the War Department, did not really begin until at point from personal knowledge of my own. But upon the general question of Mr. Stanton's purposes, I can say most emphatically that in all my acquaintance with him come up to the high mark of zeal and thoroughness, might be certain to have Mr. Stanton for a critic and an antagonist. Of himself, of his own personal interests their own are sure to judge wrongly. Of course, a great heroic figure like Stanton is not infallible, because he is a man. It was always possible for him to judg
Britain in regard to the Corinto affair with Nicaragua as a serious manifestation of indifference to the Monroe Doctrine, but did not fail to praise his message of retaliation touching the fisheries question. It asked for the resignation of Secretary Bayard for negotiating the fisheries treaty which the Senate rejected, but praised both the President and Secretary Olney in high terms for the measures they took to compel Great Britain to arbitrate its dispute with Venezuela in regard to the bounred the upbuilding of the navy, and praised William C. Whitney, the secretary of that department, as the only member of Cleveland's cabinet that had proved himself equal to the exigencies of his high position. It maintained its hostility to Secretary Bayard and Minister Phelps, on account of their alleged attitude of unfriendliness towards the Irish and the Irish cause. It received the proceeds of a popular subscription for the benefit of the Irish movement under the leadership of Parnell. On
which received the Sun's heartiest approval was set forth in Tilden's letter to the speaker of the House of Representatives, urging that no reduction of taxation should be made till a proper and adequate system of sea-coast defence had been constructed and paid for. It regarded this as far preferable to a free-trade tariff. Later it discussed the gold standard and the fall in prices, in connection with the decrease in the output of gold. It quoted largely from the speeches of Goschen and Giffen, and did not hesitate for a brief period to favor silver monometallism, to be gradually brought about by the Treasury's monthly purchase of four million ounces of silver, as allowed by the silver purchase bill. But when it was seen that this measure was merely a deal in merchandise that would cause the great commercial nations which adhered to the gold standard to ultimately unload their surplus silver upon the United States, the Sun promptly gave its support to Cleveland's recommendation t
re-established, and order was everywhere restored. Upon all previous occasions, except in the case of receivers who were operating railroads under the orders of the federal courts, it had been regarded as the established law of the land that United States troops could not be ordered into a State to repress riots or insurrection until the governor had stated officially that he was unable to restore and maintain order, and was therefore forced to call on the President for assistance. Governor Altgeld, who sympathized with the Chicago strikers, took this view of the matter, and was greatly put out to find that the President not only intended to act independently and without invitation, but had no doubt of his perfect right to do so under the federal statutes then in force. This was a genuine surprise to the lawyers as well as to the business men of the country. It marks an epoch in the protection of internal commerce and in the maintenance of public order and tranquillity. In all
George Gould (search for this): chapter 28
o flame by the augmentation of corporate power through the absorption and consolidation of independent but kindred corporations, as in the case of the great telegraph companies. It pointed out that a state of things entirely unforeseen by the framers of our national and State governments had arisen, and that the powers of government would have to be adjusted in some way to the new condition of things. It emphasized its statement by referring to the fact that individuals like Vanderbilt and Gould had already come to the exercise of power and influence which amounted to a balance of power in a State, and even in a nation. It concluded with the declaration that a great struggle between the power of the multitude and the power of an individual wielded through corporate forms is at hand. Considered in connection with the subsequent growth of corporate power, as exemplified by the life-insurance companies and the great railroad combinations of the present day, and by the radical
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