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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: March 1, 1865., [Electronic resource].

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Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): article 1
magnanimity, and disdain of all voracious instincts, and feed upon that game which has been most mischievous to himself in times past, and which has grown fat and lusty upon his own peculiar prey. In plain words, if the United States has an intelligent view of its own interests, it will get England out of its way before devoting its energies to any abstractions like the Monroe Doctrine. These will keep for awhile, and can be attended to hereafter. In the meantime, the French occupation of Mexico can neither be injurious to the commercial nor political power of the United States.--Whereas, if she goes to war with France about the barren sceptre of Maximilian, her old commercial rival and unforgiving enemy--Great Britain--will have another harvest to her shipping interests in the long and destructive struggle that will ensue between France and the United States upon sea and land — a struggle from which both combatants will come out with ruined commerce and bankrupted finances, whilst
1865 AD (search for this): article 2
te institutions and civil liberty; they adopted the means most suitable to the end. --We scarcely imagine, however, that, even if they contemplated such results, they calculated the cost, or, if they had formed the faintest conception of the magnitude and expense of the operation, would have ventured upon that fearful experiment. Little did they think that Charleston, which hung out the Flag of Independence in 1861, would not be evacuated till the approach of the Presidential inauguration of 1865, and that millions of men, and thousands of millions of treasure, would not even then have made any impression upon one vital spot of the Confederacy. If the labor of that enormous host of men, if the gigantic expenditures which have been employed in destruction, had been devoted to the production of Victories of Peace, what a different spectacle would now meet the eye from that which Mr. Lincoln may behold, by looking beyond the delirious crowds which attend his inauguration, and survey
1861 AD (search for this): article 2
ich, on the 4th of March, 1865, will blaze over a Republic's sepulchre. We speak, of course, on the theory that it was the object of Mr. Lincoln's advisers in 1861 to secure the preservation of "the Union." If this was not their object; if they sought to subvert the old Government in everything but name; to make it a consoli and expense of the operation, would have ventured upon that fearful experiment. Little did they think that Charleston, which hung out the Flag of Independence in 1861, would not be evacuated till the approach of the Presidential inauguration of 1865, and that millions of men, and thousands of millions of treasure, would not evenoody heel of war. We do not think, if the President of the United States had it again in his power to decide the issue presented to him at his inauguration in 1861, he would come to the same decision. If we are right in this conviction, all the pageantry of the approaching ceremonies cannot console him for the consequences o
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): article 2
ue, in the exercise of State Sovereignty, had withdrawn from the American Union, and the solemn question presented for Mr. Lincoln's decision was whether coercion should be employed for her restoration — a power which, when proposed in the Conventioe result is before the world. No sane man now doubts that if, on assuming the Executive authority four years ago, Mr. Lincoln, in his Inaugural Address, had proclaimed the sentiment, recommended by General Scott, "Wayward sisters, depart in peaMarch, 1865, will blaze over a Republic's sepulchre. We speak, of course, on the theory that it was the object of Mr. Lincoln's advisers in 1861 to secure the preservation of "the Union." If this was not their object; if they sought to subvert een devoted to the production of Victories of Peace, what a different spectacle would now meet the eye from that which Mr. Lincoln may behold, by looking beyond the delirious crowds which attend his inauguration, and surveying the countless graves,
Scott (search for this): article 2
on should be employed for her restoration — a power which, when proposed in the Convention that formed the American Constitution for such a contingency, was unanimously voted down. The party that counselled force proved too strong for that which invoked conciliation and compromise, and the result is before the world. No sane man now doubts that if, on assuming the Executive authority four years ago, Mr. Lincoln, in his Inaugural Address, had proclaimed the sentiment, recommended by General Scott, "Wayward sisters, depart in peace," the old Union would long ere this, without the expenditure of a dollar of treasure or a drop of blood, have recovered its integrity. The second inauguration would have witnessed a re-united and happy people, with more substantial evidences of strength and prosperity than the pop-crackers, sky-rockets and illuminations which, on the 4th of March, 1865, will blaze over a Republic's sepulchre. We speak, of course, on the theory that it was the obje
George Washington (search for this): article 2
Amid the festivities and splendor of the approaching 4th of March in Washington, the President of the United States cannot be altogether able to banish from his mind some reflections not altogether in harmony with the triumphant and jubilant demonstrations which will accompany his second inauguration. He may possibly be able to recollect that, when, four years ago, he ascended the chair of George Washington, he had an opportunity of making his name second only to that greatest of mankind in the affections of the American People. He found a country in which no drop of blood had ever been shed in civil war; a country powerful, populous and happy, beyond the lot of nations. South Carolina, it is true, in the exercise of State Sovereignty, had withdrawn from the American Union, and the solemn question presented for Mr. Lincoln's decision was whether coercion should be employed for her restoration — a power which, when proposed in the Convention that formed the American Constitut
March 4th, 1865 AD (search for this): article 2
ity four years ago, Mr. Lincoln, in his Inaugural Address, had proclaimed the sentiment, recommended by General Scott, "Wayward sisters, depart in peace," the old Union would long ere this, without the expenditure of a dollar of treasure or a drop of blood, have recovered its integrity. The second inauguration would have witnessed a re-united and happy people, with more substantial evidences of strength and prosperity than the pop-crackers, sky-rockets and illuminations which, on the 4th of March, 1865, will blaze over a Republic's sepulchre. We speak, of course, on the theory that it was the object of Mr. Lincoln's advisers in 1861 to secure the preservation of "the Union." If this was not their object; if they sought to subvert the old Government in everything but name; to make it a consolidated empire, from which the American Constitution and the sovereignty of the States should alike disappear; to overthrow State institutions and civil liberty; they adopted the means most s
April, 3 AD (search for this): article 2
Amid the festivities and splendor of the approaching 4th of March in Washington, the President of the United States cannot be altogether able to banish from his mind some reflections not altogether in harmony with the triumphant and jubilant demonstrations which will accompany his second inauguration. He may possibly be able to recollect that, when, four years ago, he ascended the chair of George Washington, he had an opportunity of making his name second only to that greatest of mankind in the affections of the American People. He found a country in which no drop of blood had ever been shed in civil war; a country powerful, populous and happy, beyond the lot of nations. South Carolina, it is true, in the exercise of State Sovereignty, had withdrawn from the American Union, and the solemn question presented for Mr. Lincoln's decision was whether coercion should be employed for her restoration — a power which, when proposed in the Convention that formed the American Constituti
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): article 2
ogether in harmony with the triumphant and jubilant demonstrations which will accompany his second inauguration. He may possibly be able to recollect that, when, four years ago, he ascended the chair of George Washington, he had an opportunity of making his name second only to that greatest of mankind in the affections of the American People. He found a country in which no drop of blood had ever been shed in civil war; a country powerful, populous and happy, beyond the lot of nations. South Carolina, it is true, in the exercise of State Sovereignty, had withdrawn from the American Union, and the solemn question presented for Mr. Lincoln's decision was whether coercion should be employed for her restoration — a power which, when proposed in the Convention that formed the American Constitution for such a contingency, was unanimously voted down. The party that counselled force proved too strong for that which invoked conciliation and compromise, and the result is before the world.
United States (United States) (search for this): article 2
Amid the festivities and splendor of the approaching 4th of March in Washington, the President of the United States cannot be altogether able to banish from his mind some reflections not altogether in harmony with the triumphant and jubilant demonstrations which will accompany his second inauguration. He may possibly be ablowed schools, colleges and humane associations innumerable; might have given an impetus to agriculture, commerce and the mechanic arts that would have made the United States first among nations. If the Constitution was to be violated, it might have been violated in this way with more advantage to humanity, and more consistency with common sense, than trampling it beneath the bloody heel of war. We do not think, if the President of the United States had it again in his power to decide the issue presented to him at his inauguration in 1861, he would come to the same decision. If we are right in this conviction, all the pageantry of the approaching cerem
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