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Edmund Randolph (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
neral Congress as representatives of the nationality of the confederation; that when, a few years afterwards, they adopted a Constitution, whose preamble began, We the people (not the States) of the United States, it was ratified by the people assembled in representative conventions, and not by the State legislatures, and so disowned all independent State sovereignty, which the opponents of the doctrine declare never existed either as colonies or States. James Madison, in a letter to Edmund Randolph, in April, 1787, wrote: I hold it for a fundamental point that an individual independence of the States is utterly irreconcilable with the idea of aggregate sovereignty. Washington, in a letter to John Jay, in March, 1787, on the subject of a national Constitution, said: A thirst for power, and the bantling—I had liked to have said the monster—sovereignty, which has taken such fast hold of the States individually, will, when joined by the many whose personal consequence in the line of
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
mber of the committee above referred to; but he sat in the Senate silent under the challenge of Mr. Douglas, and allowed the language of Mr. Phillips to go for what it was worth. For the first time in the history of the country a sectional candidate for the Presidency had been elected. A majority of the Presidents had been Southern men, but none of them had been elected as such. They had always been nominated by a party coextensive with the Union, and voted for in all the States; but Mr. Lincoln had been put forth on purely sectional grounds and did not receive a single Southern vote. He had announced that the Union could not continue to exist half slave and half free. What then? Was the Union to be dissolved? Was slavery to be introduced into the Northern or to be abolished in the Southern States? The declaration was an offence against the Constitution, and neither branch of the proposition could be executed without a palpable violation of it. Many of the States had passe
James Madison (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
onents of the doctrine declare never existed either as colonies or States. James Madison, in a letter to Edmund Randolph, in April, 1787, wrote: I hold it for a funthe States, the recognized form in which State sovereignty was represented. Mr. Madison, in the forty-third number of The Federalist, notices as a defect of the conix out of nine will be just as able to dissolve the future one hereafter. Mr. Madison, in The Federalist, to the question, On what principle the confederation, whartnership without limitation. No mode of terminating it was specified, but Mr. Madison, than whom none was better informed of the opinions and purposes of the memb induce it to heed the complaints of those whom it crushes upon its path. Mr. Madison, in the Virginia convention of 1788, said: Turbulence, violence, and aeld; it was crushed by the mailed hand of a factious majority—the evil which Mr. Madison, in the tenth number of The Federalist, described as that which had covered
Robert Toombs (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
ee political divisions of the Senate could agree. These divisions were known as the Radicals of the North, the Conservatives of the Middle States, and the Ultras of the South. The venerable Senator of Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, had offered the resolutions which were referred to the committee. Mr. Douglas, Senator from Illinois, after the failure of the committee to agree upon anything, called the attention of the Senate to the fact that it was not the Southern members, naming particularly Toombs and Davis, who obstructed measures for pacification, but the Northern men, who had objected to everything, and on whom he then called for a statement of what they proposed to do, to which no answer was made. Exulting in the result of their recent election, feeling power and forgetting right, they yet dared not avow the evil purpose which they contemplated. One State had already withdrawn from the Union, and events in others were moving with accelerated velocity to the same conclusion; yet
John Brown (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
ed an offensive and unjust denial of equality in the Union, and as such, but not because of any money interest in the question, an intense excitement was created by it. The serious troubles in Kansas were followed by the double-dyed crime of John Brown's invasion of Virginia. He came fresh from the Kansas school, and was fulfilling Mr. Seward's prophecy that abolitionism would invade the South. Though the avowed purpose of the invasion was to disturb domestic tranquillity, which it was one of the proclaimed objects of the Union to secure, arson and murder were its accompaniments. When Brown was tried with due formality, sentenced, and executed according to the laws of the land, inasmuch as his crimes had been committed with open hostility to the South, he was canonized at the North and a hymn to his memory became the marching song of the declared enemies of the South. For some years the abolition faction had borne upon its banner No union with slaveholders, though, as has been
Franklin Pierce (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
that neither section would have a majority in both. The purpose was good, but the calculation was bad, so that in a not-distant future the North, as a section, had a majority in both Houses of Congress and in the electoral colleges for the choice of the President. Party did for many years control faction, and principles, independent of latitude and longitude, formed the cement of political parties. Thus it was, as late as 1853. that that true patriot and friend of the Constitution, Franklin Pierce, could conscientiously say that, politically, he knew no North, no South, no East, no West. The wise statesmen who formed the plan for the new Union of 1787-90, with admirable caution, required a material barrier to check majorities from aggression under the influence of self-interest and lust of dominion. They could not have been certain that their method of preserving the balance of power between the sections would be permanently successful. What, then, was the remedy in case o
William H. Seward (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
exulting in the terrible faction which was ruling in the North, said: It does not know its own face and calls itself national; but it is not national—it is sectional. The Republican party is a party of the North, pledged against the South. Mr. Seward, he of the irrepressible conflict, who was regarded as the power behind the throne of the incoming administration, was a member of the committee above referred to; but he sat in the Senate silent under the challenge of Mr. Douglas, and allowed ny money interest in the question, an intense excitement was created by it. The serious troubles in Kansas were followed by the double-dyed crime of John Brown's invasion of Virginia. He came fresh from the Kansas school, and was fulfilling Mr. Seward's prophecy that abolitionism would invade the South. Though the avowed purpose of the invasion was to disturb domestic tranquillity, which it was one of the proclaimed objects of the Union to secure, arson and murder were its accompaniments.
George Washington (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
ated, form a strong phalanx against it. The doctrine of State rights. This question is ably discussed in a paper of great historical interest by Jefferson Davis, which was written a few weeks before his death. To do justice to the motives which actuated the soldiers of the Confederacy, it is needful that the cause for which they fought should be fairly understood; for no degree of skill, valor, and devotion can sanctify service in an unrighteous cause. We revere the memory of Washington, not so much for his achievements in arms as for his self-abnegation and the unfaltering devotion with which he defended the inalienable rights of the people of all the United States. This made him first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen, and for this the great English poet wrote: But one were worthy of the name of Washington. Yet he was what no Southern soldier in the war between the States could, with truth, be called—a rebel—and, without much extravagan
Wendell Phillips (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
vociferous in declarations of love for the Union were silent when words might have been effectual to save it. It had been but a few years since a hearing had been refused to abolitionist lecturers in New England; but now the eminent orator, Wendell Phillips, exulting in the terrible faction which was ruling in the North, said: It does not know its own face and calls itself national; but it is not national—it is sectional. The Republican party is a party of the North, pledged against the South.ressible conflict, who was regarded as the power behind the throne of the incoming administration, was a member of the committee above referred to; but he sat in the Senate silent under the challenge of Mr. Douglas, and allowed the language of Mr. Phillips to go for what it was worth. For the first time in the history of the country a sectional candidate for the Presidency had been elected. A majority of the Presidents had been Southern men, but none of them had been elected as such. They h
1844 AD (search for this): entry state-sovereignty
The Hartford Convention assembled in December, 1814. From their published report the following extract is made: If the Union be destined to dissolution by reason of the multiplied abuses of bad administration, it should, if possible, be the work of peaceable times and deliberate consent. . . . Whenever it shall appear that the causes are radical and permanent, a separation by equitable arrangement will be preferable to an alliance by constraint among nominal friends, but real enemies. In 1844 the measures taken for the annexation of Texas evoked threats of a dissolution of the Union. The legislature of Massachusetts adopted a resolution declaring that the commonwealth of Massachusetts, faithful to the compact between the people of the United States, according to the plain meaning and intent in which it was understood by them, is sincerely anxious for its preservation; but that it is determined, as it doubts not the other States are, to submit to undelegated powers in no body of
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