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Fort Moultrie (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
out is the second in size and importance Fort Moultrie, situated on Sullivan's Island, some four whole harbor and all the forts. The walls of Moultrie were low, and at one place almost submerged it of their exulting confidence that they held Moultrie in the hollow of their hand. Hospitable fireouth Carolinians would not leave one brick of Moultrie upon another. Nor was Floyd content to risk ake it ready for defence. Its guns commanded Moultrie. There was no approach to it except by boatsymaking to his somewhat cheerless quarters in Moultrie; and before he retired to his sleep, he took his secret resolve to abandon Moultrie and take post in Sumter. The 26th of December was a busy clined to peremptorily order Anderson back to Moultrie. He was prudent enough, however, to suspend since Anderson's movement, forcibly seized Fort Moultrie, Castle Pinckney, and the Charleston Arsenng of the long and eventful siege of Sumter. Moultrie was soon restored to its offensive powers; Ca[6 more...]
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
nly by separate State secession — that the primary object of each slaveholding State ought to be its speedy and absolute separation from a Union with hostile States. (Signed by: Representatives Pugh, Clopton, Moore, Curry, and Stallworth, of Alabama; Senator Iverson and Representatives Underwood, Gartrell, Jackson, Jones, and Crawford, of Georgia; Representative Hawkins of Florida; Represent- ative Hindman, of Arkansas; Senators Jefferson Davis and A. G. Brown, and Representatives Barksdale Ashmore, of South Carolina.) It was a brief document, but pregnant with all the essential purposes of the conspiracy. It was signed by about one-half the Senators and Representatives from the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas, and is the official beginning of the subsequent Confederate States, just as Gist's October circular was the official beginning of South Carolina secession. On the fifth day after the pub
Sullivan's Island (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
odern warfare. It lies one mile from the city; it was capable of holding a war garrison of 100 men; and its armament of twenty-two guns was at the time complete. Farther out is the second in size and importance Fort Moultrie, situated on Sullivan's Island, some four miles from the city, very near the mouth of the harbor, on its northern side. It dates back in name and heroic reputation to the Revolution, when, however, it was little else than an extemporized battery of palmetto-logs and sanrge, had a garrison of sixty-nine soldiers and nine officers under Major Robert Anderson, who had command of the whole harbor and all the forts. The walls of Moultrie were low, and at one place almost submerged in the drifting sandbanks of Sullivan's Island; a storming party, the commandant reported, could run like rats over the ramparts. Parties of Charlestonians frequently visited it to spy out its weak points; volunteer companies were organized in the city for the expedition of capture; sc
Ashley River (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
a free highway to the world at large; with that they could offer the benefits of commerce, security from tempests, refuge from the perils of war, to ships of other nations; could negotiate advantageous treaties, and perhaps conclude powerful alliances. We must have the forts was therefore the watchword of the secret caucus; and before long, from every street-corner in Charleston, came the impatient echo, The forts must be ours. The city of Charleston lies on a tongue of land between the Ashley and Cooper rivers; from their confluence the bay extends eastward some four miles to the open sea. Three forts defend the harbor. The first and smallest is Castle Pinckney, an old-time structure of brick, and of insignificant strength in modern warfare. It lies one mile from the city; it was capable of holding a war garrison of 100 men; and its armament of twenty-two guns was at the time complete. Farther out is the second in size and importance Fort Moultrie, situated on Sullivan's Isla
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
Arkansas; Senators Jefferson Davis and A. G. Brown, and Representatives Barksdale, Singleton, and Reuben Davis, of Mississippi; Representatives Craige and Ruffin, of North Carolina; Senators Slidell and Benjamin, and Representative Landrum, of Louisiana; Senators Wigfall and Hemphill, and Representative Reagan, of Texas; Representatives Bon- ham, Miles, McQueen, and Ashmore, of South Carolina.) It was a brief document, but pregnant with all the essential purposes of the conspiracy. It was signed by about one-half the Senators and Representatives from the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas, and is the official beginning of the subsequent Confederate States, just as Gist's October circular was the official beginning of South Carolina secession. On the fifth day after the publication of this manifesto, the South Carolina Convention passed, signed, and published its ordinance of secession, as already rel
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
ited States Court must first issue a writ and a United States Marshal execute it; and that where judges and marshals had resigned, and a universal popular feeling opposed, such execution became impossible. In this he ignored the fact that he had power to instantly appoint new judges and marshals, and make the whole army, navy, and militia of the nation a posse comitatus to execute their process; and within one month after signing this message, he, himself, actually nominated a citizen of Pennsylvania Collector of the Port of Charleston, in signal defiance of his own theory. As a fitting climax to such puerile reasoning, he urged an amendment of the Constitution that would give slavery the very concession in repudiation of which the people had just overwhelmingly elected Lincoln. As a specimen of absurdity, stupidity, and wilful wrongheaded-ness, this message is not equalled in American political literature. For this extraordinary state paper, which effectually tied the hands of th
Texas (Texas, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
es Barksdale, Singleton, and Reuben Davis, of Mississippi; Representatives Craige and Ruffin, of North Carolina; Senators Slidell and Benjamin, and Representative Landrum, of Louisiana; Senators Wigfall and Hemphill, and Representative Reagan, of Texas; Representatives Bon- ham, Miles, McQueen, and Ashmore, of South Carolina.) It was a brief document, but pregnant with all the essential purposes of the conspiracy. It was signed by about one-half the Senators and Representatives from the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas, and is the official beginning of the subsequent Confederate States, just as Gist's October circular was the official beginning of South Carolina secession. On the fifth day after the publication of this manifesto, the South Carolina Convention passed, signed, and published its ordinance of secession, as already related; and now it was resolved to demand possession of the Charleston f
A. G. Brown (search for this): chapter 3
onfederacy--a result to be obtained only by separate State secession — that the primary object of each slaveholding State ought to be its speedy and absolute separation from a Union with hostile States. (Signed by: Representatives Pugh, Clopton, Moore, Curry, and Stallworth, of Alabama; Senator Iverson and Representatives Underwood, Gartrell, Jackson, Jones, and Crawford, of Georgia; Representative Hawkins of Florida; Represent- ative Hindman, of Arkansas; Senators Jefferson Davis and A. G. Brown, and Representatives Barksdale, Singleton, and Reuben Davis, of Mississippi; Representatives Craige and Ruffin, of North Carolina; Senators Slidell and Benjamin, and Representative Landrum, of Louisiana; Senators Wigfall and Hemphill, and Representative Reagan, of Texas; Representatives Bon- ham, Miles, McQueen, and Ashmore, of South Carolina.) It was a brief document, but pregnant with all the essential purposes of the conspiracy. It was signed by about one-half the Senators and Repres
Stallworth (search for this): chapter 3
udgment the Republicans are resolute in the purpose to grant nothing that will or ought to satisfy the South. We are satisfied the honor, safety, and independence of the Southern people require the organization of a Southern confederacy--a result to be obtained only by separate State secession — that the primary object of each slaveholding State ought to be its speedy and absolute separation from a Union with hostile States. (Signed by: Representatives Pugh, Clopton, Moore, Curry, and Stallworth, of Alabama; Senator Iverson and Representatives Underwood, Gartrell, Jackson, Jones, and Crawford, of Georgia; Representative Hawkins of Florida; Represent- ative Hindman, of Arkansas; Senators Jefferson Davis and A. G. Brown, and Representatives Barksdale, Singleton, and Reuben Davis, of Mississippi; Representatives Craige and Ruffin, of North Carolina; Senators Slidell and Benjamin, and Representative Landrum, of Louisiana; Senators Wigfall and Hemphill, and Representative Reagan, of Te
J. H. Hobart Ward (search for this): chapter 3
hurriedly sent a few ships of war to assist him, while the rebels began gathering an army to assault the fort. Under cover of the Hayne negotiation, Senator Mallory managed to draw the President into an agreement, embodied in formal orders dated January 29th, that Fort Pickens should not be reinforced unless it were assaulted by the rebels, or preparations were made to do so. The Hayne business disposed of, there was once more a little flurry of war consultations at the Executive Mansion to devise and dispatch a new expedition to reinforce Sumter. This time a few small vessels belonging to the Coast Survey were to be assembled and placed under command of Captain Ward, of the navy, for that purpose; the details of the plan do not appear to have transpired. But the President's energetic moods were lamentably short; by the 23d of February this scheme, also, was definitely abandoned, probably for the overruling reason that but nine days remained of Mr. Buchanan's presidential term.
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