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of hers-Governor Brown, Secretary Cobb, Senators Toombs and Iverson, and others — were conspicuous ringleaders.
The more rabid fire-eaters desired that the Legislature should at once pass an act of secession; Stephens and other conservatives opposed this course.
“The Legislature were not elected for such a purpose,” said he. “They came here to do their duty as legislators.
They have sworn to support the Constitution of the United States.
They did not come here to disrupt this government.
I am, therefore, for submitting all these questions to a convention of the people.”
In due time a convention was called by unanimous vote of the Legislature.
Then followed a spirited campaign to elect delegates.
It early became evident that, while the people of Georgia were irritated to the point of demanding new guarantees for slavery, they were decidedly against disunion.
Thereupon the conspirators invented a bold trick.
“The truth is,” explains Alexander H. Stephens, “in my judgment the wavering scale in Georgia was turned by a sentiment the key-note to which was given in the words, ‘We can make better terms out of the Union than in it.’ .... This one idea did more, in my opinion, in carrying the State out, than all the arguments and eloquence of all others combined.
Two-thirds at least of those who voted for the Ordinance of Secession, did so, I have but little doubt, with a view to a more certain reformation of the Union.”
The heresy of supreme State allegiance was, however, the final and all-conquering engine of treason.
Mr. Stephens himself, in his memorable speech in defence of the Union, is the striking illustration of Gulliver helpless in the cobwebs of Lilliput.
To secede, he declared, was to break the Constitution.
Good faith required the South to abide the election in peace.
Lincoln could do her no harm against an adverse House and Senate.
He adjured them not to rashly try
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