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[103] States of the Union as a nation, and though the people of any one of those States were disposed to change the character and form of the Government, yet that would not annul the contracts entered into by them with the General Government, or with the other States throughout the General Government. They possessed Constitutional methods of changing the form by which their contracts with the General Government should be fulfilled. There was no way of dissolving the contracts except by mutual consent--(cheers)--or by fulfilling these contracts. So the Southern States might, if they pleased, alter and change the form of their Constitution; but if they desired to retreat from their association with the North and West and East, they must present their grievances to the people of all the States, the people themselves being the only tribunal to decide the question involved. They must present their grievances to the people, and the people, after being duly convened, would, through the legitimate officers, proceed in a legal, Constitutional manner, to change that Constitution; and they must abide their time, and must wait till that process has been gone through. They could not dissolve their union with these States--they could not be allowed to bring that evil upon the country. He concurred with a previous speaker, that many of these Southern demagogues were misled. They had looked to New York with her 30,000 Democratic majority to back them up in their traitorous designs; but they little knew the heart of the great Democracy. They underrated your honesty, they underrated your nobility of character. The men that they hoped would aid them, will in thousands and tens of thousands march to the defence of the capital. As a citizen and as a Democrat he had labored. hard against the election of the powers that be. He had labored as hard as his humble ability would permit, to prevent the election of Mr. Lincoln; but, so help me God, as a citizen and as a lover of my country, I will defend his administration so long as he holds his seat. (Loud cheers.) He held that they were not only all bound to support the President and the Constitution and the confederacy of these States as expressed through the State Legislatures by every man who has exercised the right of suffrage; they were bound to support the party that succeeded to office. Were these men to enter into the political arena with a chance of winning and none at all of losing? By the very fact that they had exercised the right of suffrage made them bound to submit to the decision of the majority. (Cheers.) It was a great insult to say that they were threatened by a band of desperadoes who underrated their character and endeavored to bring them down to their own level. Short speeches were now called for. They were called upon to support the Constitution and to maintain the President in his call, and to urge upon him the knowledge of the fact that he will have a million of men, if necessary, to carry out the Government and to punish the traitors who would raise their traitorous swords to overturn it. The true way to deal with the crisis was to nip the treason in its bud, by sending forth such a body of soldiers as would paralyze those men with terror. That was the only way. The South had had months to arm, and they had been collecting arms for years past. It was not because they were defeated at the late election they should become dissatisfied, and attempt to break up the Government. ( “That's so,” and cheers.) Those base connivers, those traitors who had assailed the flag of the Union, had been plotting the overthrow of the Government for years past. Their conduct at the Charleston Convention proved that unmistakably. Their object in breaking up the Convention was to throw the election into the hands of the Republicans, so that they might have a pretext for disunion. (Cheers.) The action now taken was not with any view of subjugation, but merely to maintain law and order and to support the Government. They were engaged in working out the great problem of popular Government. It was long thought that the people could not govern themselves, but they had shown the practicability of it. The Government was placed in a position of great danger; but if they passed through this ordeal, they will more clearly and gloriously prove the success of popular Government. (Cheers.)

Speech of Professor Mitchell.

Professor Mitchell was introduced, and, fired with nervous eloquence and patriotism, he infused the same spirit into his auditors. He spoke as follows :--I am infinitely indebted to you for this evidence of your kindness. I know I am a stranger among you. ( “No,” “No.” ) I have been in your State but a little while; but I am with you, heart and soul, and mind and strength, and all that I have and am belongs to you and our common country, and to nothing else. I have been announced to you as a citizen of Kentucky. Once I was, because I was born there. I love my native State, as you love your native State. I love my adopted State of Ohio, as you love your adopted State, if such you have; but, my friends, I am not a citizen now of any State. I owe allegiance to no State, and never did, and, God helping me, I never will. I owe allegiance to the Government of the United States. A poor boy, working my way with my own hands, at the age of twelve turned out to take care of myself as best I could, and beginning by earning but $4 per month, I worked my way onward until this glorious Government gave me a chance at the Military Academy at West Point. There I landed with a knapsack on my back, and, I tell you God's truth, just a quarter of a dollar in my pocket. There I swore allegiance to the Government of the United States. I did not abjure the love of my own State, nor of my adopted State, but all over that rose proudly triumphant and predominant my love for our common country. And now to-day that common country is assailed, and, alas! alas! that I am compelled to say it, it is assailed in some sense by my own countrymen. My father and my mother were from Old Virginia, and my brothers and sisters from Old Kentucky. I love them all; I love them dearly. I have my brothers and friends down in the South now, united to me by the fondest ties of love and affection. I would take them in my arms to-day with all the love that God has put into this heart; but if I found them in arms, I would be compelled to smite them down. You have found officers of the army who have been educated by the Government, who have drawn their support from the Government for long years, who, when called upon by their country to stand for the Constitution and for the right, have basely, ignominiously and traitorously either resigned their commissions, or deserted to traitors, rebels, and enemies. What means all this? How can it be possible that men should act in this way? There is no question but one. If we ever had a Government and Constitution, or if we ever lived under such, have we ever recognized the supremacy of right? I say, in God's

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