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[106] or the wood-pile, when our souls' fuel is on fire for flag and country? Did not Washington fight seven years, break ice on the Delaware, break bones and pull triggers on Monmouth field, send ten thousand bleeding feet to where no blood ever comes, and pass from clouds of smoke to archways of flowers — for what? That States should defy their best guardian, which is the nation, insult history and make republicanism impossible? Here, in this city of our love and pride, this cradle of the civil life of Washington, where despotism sheathed its last sword and constitutional liberty swore its first oath; where steam first boiled its way to a throne, and art and commerce and finance, and all the social amenities marshalled their forces to the sweet strain of the first inaugural — here, where government began and capital centres, is the sheet anchor of American loyalty. Nothing so disappoints secession as the provoking fidelity of New York to the Constitution. From the vaults of Wall-street, Jefferson Davis expected to pay his army, and riot in all the streets and in all towns and cities of the North to make their march a triumphant one. Fifty thousand men to-day tread on his fallacy. Gold is healthy, gold is loyal, gold is determined; it flows easy, because the war is not to subjugate or injure any one, but to bring back within the protecting folds of the Constitution an erring and rebellious brother,--a brother whom we have trusted and toasted, fought with side by side on the battle field, voted for at the ballot-box, showered with honor after honor upon his recreant head, while that brother was poisoning the milk in his mother's breast, striking a parricidal blow at the parental government which has protected and prospered us all as no people were ever so prospered and protected. Heretofore, in our differences, we have shouldered ballots instead of bayonets. With a quiet bit of paper in our hands we have marched safely through a hundred battles about tariff, bank, anti-liquor, anti-rent, and all those social and political questions about which a free people may amicably differ. If slavery cannot be appeased with the old life of the ballot, depend upon it the bayonet will only pierce new wounds in its history. We have heretofore kept all our lead moulded into type, that peaceably and intellectually we might enter the Southern brain, until passion and precipitation have forced us to melt down that type into a less friendly visitor. Kossuth says that bayonets think; and ours have resolved in solemn convention to think deeply, act promptly, and end victoriously. Do you wonder to-day to see that flag flying over all our reawaked national life, no longer monopolized by mast-head, steeple, or liberty-pole, but streaming forth a camp signal from every private hearthstone, breaking out in love pimples all down our garments, running like wild vine flowers over whole acres of compact anxious citizens? Why has that tender maiden turned her alabaster hands into heroic little flagstaffs, which, with no loss of modesty, unveils to the world her deep love of country? Do you see that infant show off its playthings, tottering under rosettes and swathed in the national emblem by foreboding parents, who would protect its growth with this holy talisman of safety? Do you see, too, those grave old citizens, sharpened by gain-seeking, and sobered with law-expounding, invade their plain exterior with peacock hues, which proclaim such tenacity to a flag that has fanned, like an angel's wing, every form of our prosperity and pride? It seems hard for philosophy to divine how any section of the country, so comprehensively prosperous, could allow a mean jealousy of another portion, a little more wealthy and populous, to so hurry it on into rebellion, not against us, but a common Government and a common glory, to which both are subject and both should love. Does not each State belong to all the States, and should not all the States be a help and a guide to each State? Louisiana's sugar drops into Ohio's tea-cup; and should not every palace built on Fifth-avenue nod its head amicably to whatever cotton receipts its bills? Over-pride of locality has been the scourge of our nationality. When our thirty-one stars broke on the north star, did not Texas, as well as Pennsylvania, light up the bleak Arctic sky? When the old flag first rose over the untouched gold of California, did not Georgia and New York join hands in unveiling the tempting ore? Virginia has seceded and carried my political fathers with it — Washington and Jefferson. The State has allowed their tombs to crumble, as well as their principles. Outlaw their sod! Who will dare to ask me for my passport at the grave of Washington?

Speech of Frederic Kapp.

If I understand you rightly, Mr. President, your object in inviting German speakers to this large meeting is to prove by their addresses that in respect to the present crisis there is no difference of opinion in any class of our population, that a unanimity of feeling prevails in the hearts of all citizens, adopted as well as native, and that the same just and patriotic indignation swells the breast of every lover of his country against the unscrupulous traitors who are trying to set up a government of their own by perjury, theft, and plunder. It has often been said, and I am sorry to confess not without some share of truth, that wherever there are two Germans together there are three different opinions among them. I am, however, happy to tell you that is not so in the face of the danger which now threatens to break up the national government. I see around me old German democrats and republicans — men belonging to every variety of parties, at home and in this country. But the past differences are forgotten, and as long as the present crisis will last, I am sure all will unanimously co-operate for the same end, namely:--for the preservation of this great republic, which is as dear to the Germans as to any other men. Although I am not authorized to speak for others, I feel confident that I do but express the sentiments of every German in this country when I say that we are unanimously for the adoption of the most energetic means against the fiendish attempts of our common foe. Fellow-citizens, let us not deceive ourselves; the present struggle requires prompt action and powerful means to overcome it. The stronger we prepare ourselves, the better we shall be able to defeat the purposes of the enemies of this Union, and who are at the same time the enemies to the cause of universal civilization and liberty. The internecine war now raging here is not only a private affair of America; it is a question of the highest importance to the whole civilized world, which expects that we will crush anarchy in its inception. We have to prove that civil liberty, with all its blessings, is not only an experiment — not a mere passing state of political being, which lasts only so long as it is not assailed either by a military or the slaveholder's despotism, but that it a power self-sustaining, and interwoven with our natures and with our whole national existence. Liberty is precarious, and we would not be worthy of it unless we have sense and spirit enough

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