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of the past.
If the
Southern people insist upon having a country and a name — a government and a destiny distinct from ours, and no just measures can prevent this consequence — I, for one, submit to, the event, however lamentable.
But I cannot go with the
South, away from my home and institutions — away from the
Government and Constitution, and I cannot consent that any portion of our territory, property, or honor shall be wrested from us by force.
Beyond this, at present, I am not prepared to go. I deem it absurd to hope for any wrong to attempt any coercion of the seceding States into remaining with us; but at the same time, I think we have a right to the forts and all other lawful property of the
United States of America, and that the forcible seizure of any part of them by the
South was without any justification whatever.
I am sorry to observe in presses of different political opinions, expressions strongly calculated, and in some cases, I fear, intended to foment between the
South and the
North a more angry and sanguinary feeling than already exists.
While we should entertain and express, with proper firmness, a due appreciation of the duties which the nation has a right to see us discharge, we should also be careful not to increase the difficulty of removing the obstacles to a restoration of good feeling among the various States.
I do not flatter myself that these views have the importance which some friends seem to think my opinions might at this moment possess.
But in the present, as in all previous instances affecting my course in public, I freely and fully define my position.
I pray heaven that some means may yet be devised to prevent our brethren shedding each other's blood, and that all of us who reside on American soil may be restored to that condition so happily expressed by the great man who demanded and predicted for us one country, one constitution, one destiny.
That this beneficent issue may occur through the holy influences of peace and the kindly offices of fraternity, is my profound aspiration.
But within the limits and to the extent, crudely stated in what I have already written, I say to my fellow-citizens of New York city that I shall cling while life remains to the name and fame of the
United States of America, sharing its government and glory, and abiding with resignation any perils or adversity that may fall upon us, hoping ever that, from any and every trial, it may come forth with no part of its just rights impaired, and no portion of its power or prosperity diminished.
That this may be the sentiment of all the States still loyal to the
Union, and serve as their guide in all the future, is the fervent hope and confident expectation of him, who, without departing in any respect from the political principles he has ever entertained, feels it an imperative duty to avow unwavering and undying fidelity to his country.
The President announced the following persons as members of the Committee of Finance:
Moses Taylor,
Moses H. Grinnell,
Royal
Phelps,
William E. Dodge,
Greene C. Bronson,
William M. Evarts,
John J. Cisco,
James T. Brady,
Simeon Draper,
James S. Wadsworth,
Isaac Bell,
James Boorman,
Abiel A. Low,
Edwards Pierrepont,
Richard M. Blatchford,
Alexander T. Stewart,
Hamilton Fish,
Samuel Sloan,
John Jacob Astor,
Wm. F. Havemeyer,
Charles H. Russell,
Rudolph A. Witthaus,
Charles H. Marshall,
Prosper M. Wetmore,
Robert H. McCurdy,
On motion, the name of
Hon. John A. Dix was added to the committee.
Mr. S. B. Chittenden offered the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted amid hearty cheers:
Resolved, That New York adopts the widows and children of her citizens who may fall in the defence of the
Union.
men of New York — Let me inform you that I meet you here to-day, as it were, by accident, but that does not, at the same time, debar me from the privilege of being one of yourselves; therefore, I have no apology to make on this head.
(Hear, hear.) I also meet you as an American, and in this respect I am one of yourselves, as I said before.
(Applause.) On this ground I know you, and in knowing you, and finding myself in your company, I feel at home — yes, perfectly at home.
(Loud cheers.) I live in
Ohio; but it is not New York or
Ohio we are now trying — that is not the question — that is not the subject which has brought us together this day. The great question — the vitally important question — which we have to consider is, whether we are citizens or not; and in being citizens, we are also to inquire whether we have become refractory and have need of chastisement.
(Loud cheers, and cries of “Chastise the
South.” ) You are aware of the chastisement that was endeavored to be administered to the men of
Massachusetts.
These brave men had passed through your streets to the capital; you see such men passing through every day as they did, and more are yet to follow.
I was in
Boston when those brave men, who were so barbarously assailed, left for the seat of war; I witnessed her population blessing them, and bidding them God speed, and cordially wishing success to their brave artillery.
(Loud cheers.) Therefore, I cannot speak of New York more than of another.
The lines are now broken, yet we feel here, as citizens, bound to support the law. God send that this may be the case; but, before we turn against the constitution, let us stand up nobly and die, and if blood naturally must flow, let it flow in defence of the
Union.
(Great cheers.) There is no middle ground now between the parties.
They have assumed the offensive, and we must act on the defensive.
(Cheers and cries of “We will.” ) We must be either on the one side or the other!
It has come to that, and we cannot now evade it. (Hear, hear.) The responsibility is now upon you to vindicate the honor and dignity of your institutions, and from this you cannot escape.
Those States which obey the law, are the only ones now you are bound to maintain and keep.
We are here to-day in their behalf, and I am glad to state that we are here without distinction of party.
(Applause.) We know neither Republicans, Democrats,
Bell-
Everett men, nor any other; but we are here to state, and to proclaim strongly and loudly, that we shall stand by the
Union to the last, and support it against those who would attempt to overthrow it. (Loud and long continued cheers.) This platform we are determined to stand upon, and all other platforms placed in antagonism to it shall be broken away like the grass before the fire of the mountain prairies.
(Tremendous cheers.) I ask you to look at those thirteen stripes (pointing to the flag on the bust of
Washington) which wave in your midst.
They are the thirteen planks you are called upon
