Additional European News.
the opening of the French Chambers — foreign policy Clause of the speech of the Emperor.The French Chambers were opened at 1 o'clock on the 5th by the Emperor, who delivered the following speech: ‘ Messieurs les Senateurs, Messieurs les Deputes: The annual assembly of the great bodies of the State is always a happy opportunity for bringing together the men who are devoted to the public welfare, and for manifesting the truth to the country. The frankness of our mutual intercourse calms anxiety and strengthens our resolutions. I therefore bid you welcome. The legislative body has been renewed a third time since the foundation of the Empire, and for the third time, in spite of some local dissents, I can only congratulate myself upon the results of the elections. You have all taken the same oath to me. That is a guaranty to me of your support. It is our duty to attend to the affairs of the country promptly and well, remaining faithful to the Constitution which has given us eleven years of prosperty, and which you have sworn to uphold * * * * Assuredly the prosperity of our country would advance still more rapidly if political anxieties did not disturb it; but in the life of nations unforeseen and inevitable events occur which must be boldly and fearlessly faced and met without shrinking.--Of this number is the war in America, the compulsory occupation of Mexico and Cochin China, the insurrection of Poland. The distant expeditions which have been the subject or so much criticism have not been the result of any premeditated plan; they have been brought about by the force of circumstances; and yet they are not to be regretted. How, in fact, could we develop our foreign commerce if, on the one hand, we were to relinquish all influence in America; and if, on the other, in presence of the vast territory occupied by the Spaniards and Dutch, France was to remain alone without possessions in the seas of Asia? * * * * * * In Mexico, after an unexpected resistance, which the courage of our soldiers and our sailors over came, we have seen the population welcome us as liberators. Our efforts will not have been fruitless, and we shall be largely rewarded for our sacrifices when the destinies of that country, which will owe its regeneration to us, shall have been handed over to a Prince whose enlightenment and high qualities render him worthy of so noble a mission. Let us, then, put faith in our expeditions beyond sea, Commenced to avenge our honor, they will terminate in the triumph of our interests; and if prejudiced minds will not see the good promise of the seed sown for the future, let us not tarnish the glory achieved, so to say, at the two extremities of the world — at Pekin and in Mexico. Russia has already declared that conferences at which all the other questions which agitate Europe shall be discussed would in nowise offend her dignity. Let us take note of that declaration. Let it serve us to extinguish, once for all, the ferments of discord which are ready to burst forth on every side; and from the disquietude itself of Europe, which in every quarter is mined by the elements of dissolution, let a new era of order and of peace arise! Has not the moment arrived to rebuild on new foundations the edifice destroyed by the hand of time, and piecemeal by revolutions? Is it not urgent to recognize by new conventions that which has been irrevocably accomplished, and to carry by common accord what the peace of the world requires? The treaties of 1815 have ceased to exist. The force of circumstances has upset them, or tends to upset them. They have been discarded nearly everywhere — in Greece, in Belgium, in France, in Italy, as upon the Danube. Germany is agitating to alter them, England has generously modified them by the cession of the Ionian Islands, and Russia treads them under foot at Warsaw. In the midst of these successive infringements of the fundamental European pact ardent passions become over excited, powerful interests demand solution in the South as well as in the North. What, then, can be more legitimate and more sensible than to convoke the Powers of Europe to a Congress, in which self-love and resistance would disappear in the face of a supreme arbitrament? What can be more in conformity with the ideas of the age, with the wishes of the greatest number, than to address ourselves to the conscience, to the reason of statesmen in all countries, and to say, Have not the prejudices and rancor which divides us a ready lasted long enough? Is the jealous rivalry of the great Powers incessantly to obstruct the progress of civilization?--Shall we be constantly casting defiance at each other by exaggerated armaments? Are our most precious resources to be indefinitely exhausted in vain ostentation of our strength? Shall we eternally preserve a position which is neither peace with its security nor war with its chances of success? Let us no longer give importance to the subversive spirit of extreme parties by opposing ourselves with narrow calculations to the legitimate aspirations of nations. Let us have the courage to substitute a regular and stable state of affairs for an unhealthy and precarious condition, even if it should cost sacrifices. Let us meet without a preconceived system, without exclusive ambition, animated by the sole thought of establishing an order of things based henceforth upon the well understood interests of the sovereigns and of the peoples. I cannot but believe that this appeal would be listened to by all. A refusal would lead to the supposition of secret projects which fear the light of day; but even if the proposal should not be unanimously adopted, it would have the immense advantage of having shown Europe where lies danger and where safety. Two ways are open — the one leads to progress through conciliation and peace; the other, sooner or later, conducts fatally to war by the obstinacy of maintaining a past which is rolling away. You know now, gentlemen, the tone which I propose to adopt towards Europe; approved by you, sanctioned by the public assent, it cannot fail to be listened to, for I speak in the name of France. The London Times says the Emperor's sentences seem to be uttered from the tribune rather than the throne. More than ever he descends into the lists, anticipates the arguments of his adversaries, takes credit for his achievements, holds out promises for the future, appeals, menaces, and concludes by leaving on his hearers the desired impression that in every matter of peace or war, in the construction of a railway or the establishment of an empire, there is only one master in France, and that is Napoleon III. The English press generally find little to commend in the Emperor's recommendations. He is "bewildered." The Paris journals generally applaud the speech. The London Gazette publishes a dispatch from Earl Russell, dated October 20, addressed to the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg. It is short, and commences by stating that her Majesty's Government have no wish to prolong the correspondence with the Russian Cabinet for the mere purpose of controversy, and concludes by asserting that "the Emperor of Russia has special obligations with regard to Poland, and that the lights of Poland are contained in the same instrument which constitutes the Emperor of Russia King of Poland. ’
