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William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 5: sources of the Tribune's influence — Greeley's personality (search)
ent of a committee to inquire whether the Tribune's charges did not amount to an allegation of fraud against the members, and to report whether they were false or true. Turner charged the editor-member-whom he alluded to as perhaps the gentleman, or rather the individual, perhaps the thing --with seeking notoriety, and being engaged in a very small business. Greeley took part in the ensuing debate, holding tenaciously to the main point of his disclosure. The discussion continued until January 16, when the committee made a report exonerating the members, and there the matter practically dropped. Greeley was accused, during the discussion, of employing in his newspaper correspondence time that he should have devoted to the public business in the House, and a fierce and somewhat embarrassing attack was made on him concerning a vote which he gave on an appropriation for the purchase of certain books-archives, debates, etc.-with which it was customary to supply members. He certainly
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 7: Greeley's part in the antislavery contest (search)
istent with, and fatal to, the preservation of perfect freedom for any. Greeley's greatest effort in behalf of a presidential candidate was made for Clay, whose name he had kept at the head of his editorial page throughout 1843, and for whose election he labored the next year as he never labored again. Clay's status as a slave-owner was the subject of attacks (which the Tribune called a foul conspiracy ) by the Democrats and the Liberty men, both before and after his nomination, and on January 16, 1843, the Tribune stated its own view of the matter thus: Let no one pervert our position. We do not say the citizens of the free States have no means, no power, no right to act adversely upon slavery. They have means and powers which existed antecedently to the Constitution, and were not affected by it. The right to speak and write and labor, as men, against any moral wrong, is anterior (might we not say superior) to all government . . . We can excuse the thoroughgoing Abolition