Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for March 30th or search for March 30th in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
eward's, who drew the first bill. I said to Grimes, the senator who urged the measure, How can you push so zealously a measure of Seward, whom you dislike? To which he replied: The substitute I shall move is drawn by General Butler. I read to the President your last letter. He enjoys the change in English sentiment, but was astonished that your public meetings were not called under this device: No fellowship with a new government founded on the perpetuity of slavery. To Mr. Bright, March 30:— Still detained at Washington. I send you merely a glance at our present situation. We are anxious but hopeful with regard to both the great expeditions. At Charleston all must be ready. The preparations are vast beyond the knowledge of the public, with ironclads and a numerous fleet and untried contrivances. Where so much is at stake and the enemy has had such opportunity, perhaps we should not be too sanguine. Our naval authorities express themselves to me as confident; but I
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
d. Leutze painted the scene when the treaty was explained. A photograph of the picture is given in Seward's Life, vol. III. p. 349. Sumner listened, but gave no opinion, and the conference ended at midnight. Four hours later, the morning of March 30, the treaty was signed; it was sent to the Senate the same day, and referred at once to the foreign relations committee. It was the day appointed for the adjournment of Congress, but the Senate convened April 1 for the consideration of executivand he would have nothing to do with it. The Senate committee, anxious not to embarrass Raasloff at home, kept the matter alive,—refraining from final adverse action at his written request to Mr. Fish, the new Secretary of State,—and finally, on March 30, after he had been heard and left Washington, laid the treaty on the table, recording on its minutes the words, The understanding being that this was equivalent to a rejection, and was a gentler method of effecting it. A year later it cleared i
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
de. These conditions went beyond the fifteenth amendment by prohibiting discriminations as to holding office. They have been thought to go further as to suffrage by securing it to the class of citizens already entitled to vote. The conditions as to suffrage and office were deemed important, as the fate of the fifteenth amendment, was still uncertain. That amendment, however, soon received the approval of a sufficient number of States, and was promulgated as a part of the Constitution, March 30. Two months later, Congress passed an Act providing means and penalties for enforcing it. Sumner was in full accord with his Republican associates in promoting these final measures of reconstruction. He was emphatic in insisting on the necessity and validity of the conditions and on the duty of Congress to continue its protecting supervision over the reconstructed States, even after their formal admission to representation. Jan. 10, 11, 12, 13,14, 19, 21, 1870, Works, vol. XIII. pp
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
, whose caricatures mingled coarseness with artistic talent, lad recently been holding up Tweed and other plunderers of the city of New York to public indignation; but those having been disposed of, he turned upon the three senators with the same weapons. His pictures of them had the venom without the wit of caricature; and treating thieves and senators alike, he confounded moral distinctions. His representations of Schurz were the most open to censure, March 9, Mephistopheles. March 23, 30, as Iago. Justices Chase and Davis are caricatured April 6. though those of Sumner were hardly less reprehensible. New York Tribune, March 21, 1872. In his support of the French arms investigation he was made one of The Senatorial Cabal. In another—and this was perhaps a fair hit—he was Robinson Crusoe turning his back on his man Friday. In another, he was kneeling at and placing flowers on the grave of Preston S. Brooks, his assailant in 1856. This brought out a manly outburst from Sum