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Peru, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
; the bill creating the national bank system, Feb. 9, 1863; the reported sale of colored freedmen by the rebels, Dec. 3, 1862; sale of land in the Sea Islands of South Carolina forfeited for taxes, with reference to the interests of freedmen, Jan. 9 and 26, 1863 (Globe, pp. 245, 507, 508); the bill to punish correspondence by American citizens resident abroad with the Confederate government or its agents, Jan. 7 and Feb. 13, 1863 (Globe, pp. 214, 925); carrying into effect the convention with Peru for the settlement of claims, Feb. 24 and 26, and March 3, 1863 (Globe, pp. 1235, 1301, 1489, 1512); derangement of mails between New York and Washington, Jan. 7, 1863 (Globe, p. 215); indemnity to the owners of a French brig for injury in a collision with a United States war vessel, Dec. 10, 1862 (Globe, p. 52); the mission to Bolivia, Jan. 28, 1863 (Globe, p. 568); the taking of depositions to be used abroad, Feb. 27, 1863 (Globe, p. 1335); the union of the Mississippi River and the Red Riv
Blairgowrie (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 5
nts from the Confederates and led to the withdrawal of their emissary, Mason, from London; Mason took leave in a farewell, which was printed contemporaneously with these reviews. that he laid undue stress on the time of the issue of the queen's proclamation of belligerency, which must at any rate have shortly come, and which had the sanction of our own treatment of the rebels as belligerents. As soon as the Address came to hand, Earl Russell commented upon it at a public dinner. At Blairgowrie, September 26. Sumner at one time contemplated a reply, but came to the conclusion that his lordship's comments were not of sufficient gravity to justify one. The Address grieved sorely some of Sumner's dearest friends in England. The Argylls wrote with undiminished personal regard, but both sorrowing that he had treated England unfairly. The duchess wrote, September 22: Alas that it has come to this, that you should have felt it right to charge England as you have done in a public a
Iowa (Iowa, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
you would be triumphant, strike quickly; let your blows be felt at once, without notice or premonition, and especially without time for resistance or debate. Time deserts all who do not appreciate its value. Strike promptly, and time becomes your invaluable ally; strike slowly, gradually, prospectively, and time goes over to the enemy. Only eleven senators on one vote and ten on another voted against the alternative of gradual emancipation. Among them were Fessenden, Grimes, Harlan of Iowa, Lane of Indiana, Pomeroy, and Wade. Wilson voted with Sumner at one stage and against him at another. Sumner, though failing to have the obnoxious provision stricken out, voted for the bill on its final passage, trusting that it would be satisfactorily amended in the House. It did not, however, come to a final vote in that body. Congress had little heart in the President's favorite idea of compensating slave-owners, Mr. Lincoln adhered to the last to his plan of compensated emancipati
Department de Ville de Paris (France) (search for this): chapter 5
. Of this there can be no doubt. History would so record the act. I return the letter of the prince, The Count of Paris, who had written to Mr. Jay concerning the purposes of the French government towards the United States. which I read careister, M. Drouyn de l'huys, had asked Mr. Dayton, at their first meeting after intelligence of the resolution had reached Paris (Mr. Seward's explanation not yet being known), Do you bring us peace or war? When the correspondence of the state depsul at Liverpool, for distribution among members of Parliament. A French translation of the Address abridged appeared in Paris, and was commended in the Siecle by Henri Martin. It met, naturally enough, with intemperate criticism from the London Tited him on questions with Great Britain. One product of Sumner's vacation was a magazine article on Franklin's life in Paris as ambassador of our country, which began with tracing the pedigree of the famous line concerning him, Eripuit coelo fulm
Rochdale (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 5
y puzzled by the inquiry. Several influences set the current against us, and they may be classified as follows:— 1. The privileged classes, nobility and landed gentry, feared the power and example of our republic; Bright, in his address at Rochdale, Dec. 18, 1862, mentions that in private, when a candid opinion was given, it was said that the republic is too great and powerful; and that it is better for us — not by us meaning you, but the governing classes and the governing policy of Engla they had no sources of information not open to their distinguished contemporary. Bright at the very hour when the English temper was most excited by the seizure of Mason and Slidell, not then surrendered, appealed to his country in a speech at Rochdale, Dec. 4, 1861:— Now, whether the Union will be restored or not, or the South achieve an unhonored independence or not, I know not, and I predict not. But this I think I know: that in a few years, a very few years, the twenty millions of fr<
Wisconsin (Wisconsin, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
a half columns in the New York Tribune. A large edition was at once issued by the association before which Sumner spoke. The Address drew forth approval from the journals of the country, nearly always unqualified. Mr. Greeley made it the subject of a contribution to the Independent of New York. It called out grateful and enthusiastic expressions in numerous letters from citizens and public men, including Seward, Chase, Corwin, Cameron, and Senators Anthony and Howe; Senator Howe of Wisconsin wrote of it: Such conciseness of statement, such fulness of research, such wealth of illustration, such iron logic, heated but unmalleable, I really do not think are to be found in any other oration, ancient or modern. . . . No single man has ever so grandly struggled against the barbaric tendencies of a frightfully debauched generation. I cannot certainly foresee the future; you may be worsted in this encounter, but I know the world will be better for it. The author of the letter did no
Manchester (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 5
our dismemberment to obtain free trade with the South. The trade connections of Liverpool and Manchester, and other commercial centres ramifying through the kingdom, made English capital almost a unimitted themselves to an enterprise which would probably prove to be beyond their strength. At Manchester, April 24, before the Chamber of Commerce, he argued from historical analogies that the North em appears to have intended to prepare the way for recognition and intervention. Merchants in Manchester, assuming that the event was near at hand, began to start enterprises on the strength of his ptry was deprecatory. Such were the Daily News, the Scotsman, and the Guardian and Examiner of Manchester. Admitting the truth of much which he said, and bearing witness to his character and high aimks, and predicts that the speech must do great good; so also writes an eminent business man of Manchester. But you tell me that G. Smith is the other way. I am sorry; for I admire and honor him much,
Birmingham (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 5
religious sentiment of the country, particularly among Non-Conformists, set strongly in our favor. A paper signed by thirteen thousand five hundred people of Birmingham, expressing sympathy with the United States, was presented to Mr. Adams, Feb. 27, 1863, by a committee which was introduced by Mr. Bright. New York Tribune, Mar0.) Mr. Gladstone's pro-slavery sympathies and partiality for the Southern rebellion were treated in Letters on the American Rebellion, by Samuel A. Goddard, of Birmingham, contributed to English journals at the time, and since published in a volume, pp. 181-193, 252-259, 281-285. Mr. Adams, disturbed by the tendency to intervords and generous deeds between the two great nations who speak the English language, and from their origin are alike entitled to the English name. Again at Birmingham, Dec. 18, 1862, Bright, after referring to Gladstone's opposite prediction and belief, gave his own better hope:— I cannot believe, for my part, that such
China (China) (search for this): chapter 5
iculties of your laws, and how subtle and pertinacious is the temptation of money-making; but it would seem as if there should he a way to prevent the unparalleled outrage of a whole fleet built expressly to be employed against us. Of course in this statement I assume what is reported and is credited by those who ought to be well informed. A committee from New York waited on the President yesterday and undertook to enumerate ships now building in English yards professedly for the Emperor of China, but really for our rebels. The case is aggravated by the fact that their armaments are supplied also by England; and their crews also, for it is not supposed that there will be a rebel sailor on board. Mr. Cobden, immediately on receiving this letter, called on Lord Russell to urge greater circumspection on the government, and particularly the watching of ships which were said to be building for the Chinese; and his cautions were well received. To-day the Cabinet consider whether
Dundee (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 5
ironclad steam rams are detained by the government; I believe there is no doubt of this. I suppose the changed position of your affairs has helped our foreign office to the decision they have come to. Lord Russell has just made a short speech at Dundee, and he has said nothing foolish, which shows that there is an opening of the eyes among our statesmen as to the prospects of your war. On September 8, two days before Sumner spoke, Earl Russell, who had refused a week before to interfere, annound. It was important that your government and people should know how those in our country most friendly felt with regard to their conduct. For months we have done all that could be done, and Lord Russell down to the 9th of September Speech at Dundee. (I spoke the 10th of September) gave no hint that we should not have war; indeed, the inference from his course was that we should have war,—for the departure of those rams would have been tantamount to a declaration of war by Great Britain agai
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