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ouge, and San Antonio meant nothing to these peace proclaimers; it took the thunderclap of Sumter to hush them. It took the sudden and overwhelming uprising of April 15th to bring the hitherto confident backers of the South face to face with an astounding fact. Seventy-five thousand men needed at once!—the active militia callemprisoned as too Southern— an utterly baseless charge. The one hope to save the capital lay in the swift assembling of the Eastern militia, and by the night of April 15th the long roll was thundering from the walls of every city armory. From Boston Common to the Mississippi, loyal States were wiring assurance of support. Theeight companies, aggregating 1,241 officers and men. The State appropriation for military service was only $3,000 a year. At the President's call for troops on April 15th, Michigan's quota was only one infantry regiment. On May 7th the Legislature met and passed an Act giving the Governor power to raise ten regiments and make a
orth and South alike had been reluctant to strike first. When Major Robert Anderson, on December 26, 1860, removed to Fort Sumter, on an island at the entrance to Charleston Harbor, he placed himself in a position to withstand long attack. But he needed supplies. The Confederates would allow none to be landed. When at length rumors of a powerful naval force to relieve the fort reached Charleston, the Confederates demanded the surrender of the garrison. Anderson promised to evacuate by April 15th if he received no additional supplies. His terms were rejected. At half-past 4 on the morning of April 12th a shell from Fort Johnson rose high in air, and curving in its course, burst almost directly over the fort. The mighty war had begun. Confederates in Sumter the day after Anderson left A gun trained on Charleston by Anderson Two days after the bombardment of Sumter, April 16, 1861 Wade Hampton (the tallest figure) and other leading South Carolinians inspecting th
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 2. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Patriotic letters of Confederate leaders. (search)
s State accepted the Federal Constitution and entered the American Union, she did so with the formal declaration that she reserved to herself the right to withdraw from it for cause and resume those powers and attributes of sovereignty which she had never ceded away, but only delegated for certain definite and specific purposes. When the President elect commenced to set at naught the very objects of the constitution, and without authority of law, proceeded to issue his proclamation of 15th of April last, Virginia, in the exercise of that reserved right, decided that the time had come when her safety, her dignity and honor required her to resume those delegated powers and withdraw from the Union. She did so. She then straightway called upon her sons in the Federal service to retire therefrom and come to her relief. This call found me in the midst of those quiet physical researches at the Observatory in Washington, which I am now, with so much delicacy of thought and goodness of
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The attempt to Fasten the assassination of President Lincoln on President Davis and other innocent parties. (search)
hand on the dispatches. A.--Mr. Surratt, General Carroll and myself. Q.--Can you state whether any of these persons participated in the conversation? A.--General Carroll, of Tennessee, did. He was more anxious that Mr. Johnson should be killed than anybody else. General Carroll denounces this as false, and shows by the certificate of Dr. McDonnell, an eminent physician of Montreal, and Mr. A. S. Huntington, with whom he boarded, that he was confined to his bed from the 1st to the 15th of April in consequence of a very painful disease, and that he was all the time under the care of Dr. McDonnell, thus completely exploding the story of the dispatches, cipher letter and apochryphal Surratt conversations. Says General Carroll: The facile ease with which this infamous wretch, Conover, commits perjury, is only equalled by the fertility of his brain in conceiving diabolical plots and involving innocent people in them. I have thus cited Conover's perjuries, having for their object
of Major Anderson, bearing in mind certain important facts not referred to in the correspondence. Major Anderson had been requested to state the time at which he would evacuate the fort, if unmolested, agreeing in the meantime not to use his guns against the city and the troops defending it unless Fort Sumter should be first attacked by them. On these conditions General Beauregard offered to refrain from opening fire upon him. In his reply Major Anderson promises to evacuate the fort on April 15th, provided he should not, before that time, receive controlling instructions or additional supplies from his government. He furthermore offers to pledge himself not to open fire upon the Confederates, unless in the meantime compelled to do so by some hostile act against the fort or the flag of his government. Inasmuch as it was known to the Confederate commander that the controlling instructions were already issued, and that the additional supplies were momentarily expected; inasmuch,
ollowed. We had then no defenses on the James River below Drewry's Bluff, about seven miles distant from Richmond. There an earthwork had been constructed and provided with an armament of four guns. Rifle pits had been made in front of the fort, and obstructions had been placed in the river by driving piles and sinking some vessels. The crew of the Virginia, after her destruction, had been sent to this fort, which was then in charge of Commander Farrand, Confederate States Navy. On April 15th the enemy's fleet of five ships of war, among the number their much-vaunted Monitor, took position and opened fire upon the fort between seven and eight o'clock. Our small vessel, the Patrick Henry, was lying above the obstruction, and cooperated with the fort in its defense—the Monitor and the ironclad Galena steamed up to about six hundred yard's distance; the others, wooden vessels were kept at long range. The armor of the flagship Galena was badly injured, and many of the crew kille
Edward Porter Alexander, Military memoirs of a Confederate: a critical narrative, Chapter 4: Yorktown and Williamsburg (search)
force should be attacked when it came near Richmond. A conference was called, which included Lee, Longstreet, G. W. Smith, and the Sec. of War, Randolph. It was advocated by Lee, and finally determined, that Johnston should risk making all the delay possible at Yorktown. This was a safe conclusion to reach, only in view of the cautiousness of McClellan. Johnston had already begun sending some reenforcements to Magruder, and had brought a large part of his army near Richmond. About Apr. 15 he went to Yorktown, taking Smith's and Longstreet's divisions, which gave him a total force of 55,633. In the whole course of the war there was little service as trying as that in the Yorktown lines. There was much rain and the country was low and flat, so that the trenches were badly drained and would frequently be flooded with water. The general flatness left no cover in rear of the lines. The enemy's rifle-pits were within range and view at many points, and the fire of sharp-shoot
John M. Schofield, Forty-six years in the Army, Index (search)
, 1863, 100: Gamble, H. R. (1863), 72, 73: Grant, U. S., Dec. 27, 1864, 252-254; May 10, 1865, 373-376; Jan. 24, 1866, 390, 391; April 18, 1868, 400, 401; April 25, 418; April 26, 418 ; July 12, 1881, 293, 294 ; Aug. 1, 294, 295: Hall, W. P., Oct. 21, 1863, 101, 102: Halleck, H. W., Aug. 10, 1862, 59; Sept. 9, 60, 61; Jan. 31, 1863, 65, 66; Feb. 3, 65; May 22, 68; July 7, 70; Sept. 3, 83; Sept. 26, 87; Sept. 30, 85-87; Oct. 2, 93; May 7, 1865, 370, 371: Henderson, J. B., April 7, 1864,117 ; April 15, 117-119: Lincoln, A., May 27, 1863, 68, 69; June 1, 69; June 20, 75, 76; June 22, 76; Aug. 27, 77; Aug. 28, 77-79; Sept. 30, 93; Oct. 1, 58, 88, 91-93, 98; Oct. 2, 93; Oct. 3, 94; Oct. 4, 94; Oct. 25, 101; Oct. 28, 103, 104; Nov. 9, 105, 106: the Secretary of War, 444: Seward, W. H., Aug. 4, 1865, 383; Aug. 9, 383; Jan. 24, 1866, 390, 392, 393: Sherman, W. T., Oct., 1864,165; Dec. 28, 252, 254, 255, 326; May 5, 1865, 370; March 28, 1876, 439, 440; March 29, 440; March 30, 440; May 25, 445,
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Congress, National (search)
unfriendly word spoken, for the Secession party had left. Thenceforward, to the end of the session (March 4, 1861), Union men were left free to act in Congress in the preparation of measures for the salvation of the republic. The proceedings of the Thirty-Sixth Congress had revealed to the country its great peril, and action was taken accordingly. On Thursday, July 4, 1861, the Thirty-Seventh Congress assembled in extraordinary session, in compliance with the call of President Lincoln, April 15. In the Senate twenty-three States, and in the House of Representatives twenty-two States and one Territory were represented. There were 40 Senators and 154 Representatives. Ten States, in which the political leaders had adopted ordinances of secession, were not represented. In both Houses there was a large majority of Unionists. It was the first session of this Congress, and Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania, was chosen speaker of the House. The President, in his message, confined his
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Hamilton, Alexander 1757- (search)
ut regard to party, was intense. Burr fled from New York and became for a while a fugitive from justice. He was politically dead, and bore the burden of scorn and remorse for more than thirty years. Report on the coinage.—On Jan. 28, 1791, Secretary Hamilton sent the following report to the House of Representatives: The Secretary of the Treasury having attentively considered the subject referred to Where Hamilton fell. him by the order of the House of Representatives of the 15th of April last, relatively to the establishment of a mint, most respectfully submits the result of his inquiries and reflections. A plan for an establishment of this nature involves a great variety of considerations—intricate, nice, and important. The general state of debtor and creditor; all the relations and consequences of price; the essential interests of trade and industry; the value of all property; the whole income, both of the State and of the individuals—are liable to be sensibly infl<
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