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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 257 257 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 34 34 Browse Search
The Cambridge of eighteen hundred and ninety-six: a picture of the city and its industries fifty years after its incorporation (ed. Arthur Gilman) 27 27 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 23 23 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Henry Walcott Boynton, Reader's History of American Literature 12 12 Browse Search
Mary Thacher Higginson, Thomas Wentworth Higginson: the story of his life 10 10 Browse Search
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 10: The Armies and the Leaders. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 8 8 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 7 7 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 20. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 7 7 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Carlyle's laugh and other surprises 7 7 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1. You can also browse the collection for 1889 AD or search for 1889 AD in all documents.

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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 14 (search)
look their real position in the face. They say in Ireland that every Irishman thinks he was born sixty days too late, [laughter,] and that the world owes him sixty days. The consequence is, when a trader says such a thing is so much for cash, the Irishman thinks cash means to him a bill for sixty days. [Laughter.] So it is with Americans. They have no idea of absolute right. They were born since 1787, and absolute right means the truth diluted by a strong decoction of the Constitution of 1889. They breathe that atmosphere; they do not want to sail outside of it; they do not attempt to reason outside of it. Poisoned with printer's-ink, or choked with cotton-dust, they stare at absolute right as the dream of madmen. For the last twenty years there has been going on, more or less heeded and understood in different States, an insurrection of ideas against this limited, cribbed, cabined, isolated American civilization, an insurrection to restore absolute right. If you said to an Am
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 20 (search)
ight. Five hundred thousand men in Washington, and none dare come there but from the North. [Loud cheers.] Occupy St. Louis with the millions of the West, and say to Missouri, You cannot go out! [Applause.] Cover Maryland with a million of the friends of the administration, and say: We must have our capital within reach. [Cheers.] If you need compensation for slaves taken from you in the convulsion of battle, here it is. [Cheers.] Government is engaged in the fearful struggle to show that 1889 meant justice, and there is something better than life, holier than even real and just property, in such an hour as this. And again, we must remember another thing,--the complication of such a struggle as this. Bear with me a moment. We put five hundred thousand men on the banks of the Potomac. Virginia is held by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men flare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves un
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 21 (search)
Constitution or a new one. I believe that, so far as the slavery clauses of the Constitution of 1889 are concerned, it is dead. It seems to me impossible that the thrifty and painstaking North, aft in a little while, longer or shorter, slavery dies,--indeed, on any other basis but the basis of 1889, she has nothing else now to do but to die. On the contrary, if the South--no, I cannot say conqus enjoined by the sternest necessity,--if, after that, the North goes back to the Constitution of 1889, she assumes, a second time, afresh, unnecessarily, a criminal responsibility for slavery. Hereaed in every great city of Europe, in order that they may maintain slavery and the Constitution of 1889? They, like ourselves, will throw everything overboard before they will submit to defeat,--defeao. I acknowledge it. You come to this question from an idolatrous regard for the Constitution of 1889. But here we stand. On the other side of the ocean is England, holding out, not I think a threa