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time organized within its limits five-and-twenty new towns; and, at the close of the long war, was less in debt than at its beginning. But his hopes of sure emoluments rested in England, and were connected with the success of the applications from New-York. The same conspiracy against the colonies extended to New Jersey. In December, the council of that Dec. province likewise found it their indispensable duty to represent to his Majesty the growing rebellion in their province. James Alexander to C. Golden, 3 January, 1749. The conflict for lands in its eastern moiety, where Indian title deeds, confirmed by long occupation, were pleaded against claims derived from grants of an English king, led to confusion which the rules of the English law could not remedy. The people of whole counties could not be driven from their homesteads, or imprisoned in jails; Belcher, Belcher to the Board of Trade, Jan., 1749. the temporizing governor, confessed that he could not bring the dele
ing from the intention of England. On the twelfth of July, 1749, all the ministers of state assembled at the Board of Trade, and deliberated, from seven in the evening till one the next morning, Letter from the Solicitor, F. J. Paris, in James Alexander to C. Golden, 25 Sept., 1749. on the political aspect of the plantations. The opinions of Sir Dudley Rider and William Murray were before them. They agreed, that all accounts concurred in representing New Jersey as in a state of disobedienental rule of American government, that the colonial officers of the king should have some appointment from home. Such was their fixed maxim and principle. Report of Facts agreed on by the Board of Trade 26 July, 1749, in F. J. Paris to James Alexander, 26 July, 1749. Board of Trade to Gov. Belcher, of New Jersey, 28 July, 1749. The English ministry chap. III.} 1749. viewed it as a narrow question, relating to a subordinate branch of executive administration; America knew that it involved
effort of the French. They sent priests, who were excited partly by ambition, partly by fervid enthusiasm, to proselyte the Six Nations; their traders were to undersell the British; in the summer of 1751, they launched an armed vessel of unusual size on Lake Ontario, Memorial on Indian Affairs in Clinton to Lords of Trade, 1 October, 1751. and converted their trading-house at Niagara into a fortress; Clinton to De la Jonquiere, 12 June, 1751. De la Jonquiere to Clinton, 10 August. Alexander's Remarks on the Letters, sent to Dr. Mitchell. they warned the governor of Pennsylvania, La Jonquiere to Governor Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, 6 June, 1751. that the English never should make a treaty in the basin of the chap. IV.} 1751. Ohio; they sent troops to prevent the intended congress of red men; Letter from Jonathan Edwards, August, 1751. and they resolved to ruin the English interest in the remoter West, and take vengeance on the Miamis. Yet Louis the Fifteenth disclaim
nedy, through the press of New York and of London, a gentle land-tax, being the most equitable, must be our last resort. He looked forward with hope to the congress at Albany, but his dependence was on the parliament; for with parliament there would be no contending. And when their hands are in, he added, who knows but that they may lay the foundation of a regular government amongst us, by fixing a support for the officers of the crown, independent of chap. V.} 1754. an assembly? James Alexander, of New York, T. Sedgwick's Life of W. Livingston. the same who, with the elder William Smith, had limited the prerogative, by introducing the custom of granting but an annual support, thought that the British parliament should establish the duties for a colonial revenue, which the future American Grand Council, to be composed of deputies from all the provinces, should have no power to diminish. The royalist, Colden, saw no mode of obtaining the necessary funds but by parliamentary
f the crown in every royal colony in America; from civilians, as well as from Braddock, and Dunbar, and Gage; from the popular Delancey and the moderate Sharpe, as well as from Dinwiddie and Shirley; and all were of the same tenor. The British ministry heard one general clamor from men in office for taxation by act of parliament. Even men of liberal tendencies looked to acts of English authority for aid. I hope that Lord Halifax's plan may be good and take place, said chap. VII.} 1755. Alexander, of New York. Hopkins, governor of Rhode Island, elected by the people, complained of the men who seemed to love and understand liberty better than public good and the affairs of state. Little dependence, said he, can be had on voluntary union. In an act of parliament for a general fund, wrote Shirley, I have great reason to think the people will readily acquiesce. In England, the government was more and more inclined to enforce the permanent authority of Great Britain. No Assembly
ches. Others have uttered thoughts of beauty and passion, of patriotism and courage; none by words accomplished deeds like him. His voice resounded throughout the world, impelling the servants of the British state to achievements of glory oil the St. Lawrence and along the Ganges. Animated by his genius, a corporation for trade did what Rome had not dreamed of, and a British merchant's clerk made conquests as rapidly as other men make journeys, resting his foot in permanent triumph where Alexander of Macedon had faltered. Ruling with unbounded authority the millions of free minds whose native tongue was his own, with but one considerable ally on the European continent, with no resources in America but from the good — will of the colonies, he led forth the England which had planted popular freedom along the western shore of the Atlantic, the England which was still the model of liberty, to encounter the whole force of the despotisms of Catholic Europe, and defend the common cause ag
wn, interposed the speaker; your modesty is equal to your valor, and that surpasses the power of any language I possess. After these crowded weeks, Washington, no more a soldier, retired to Mount Vernon with the experience of five years of assiduous service. Yet not the quiet of rural life by the side of the Potomac, not the sweets of conjugal love, could turn his fixed mind from the love of glory; and he revealed his passion by adorning his rooms with busts of Eugene and Marlborough, of Alexander, of Caesar, of Charles the Twelfth; and of one only among living men, the king of Prussia, whose struggles he watched with painful sympathy. Thus Washington had ever before his eyes the image of Frederic. Both were eminently founders of nations, childless heroes, fathers only to their countries. The one beat down the dominion of the aristocracy of the Middle Ages by a military monarchy; the Providence which rules the world had elected the other to guide the fiery coursers of revolution