Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Bayard or search for Bayard in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
ose images of animal rage, Taurus, Leo, Scorpio, Sagittarius, but beaming with the mild radiance of those heavenly signs, Faith, Hope, and Charity. The age of Chivalry is gone; an age of Humanity has come. The Horse, whose importance, more than human, gave its name to that early period of gallantry and war, now yields the foremost place to Man. In serving him, in studying his elevation, in helping his welfare, in doing him good, are fields of bloodless triumph, nobler far than any in which Bayard or Du Gueselin conquered. Here are spaces of labor wide as the world, lofty as heaven. Let me say, then, in the benison once bestowed upon the youthful knight,—Scholar! Jurist! Artist! Philanthropist! hero of a Christian age, companion of a celestial knighthood, Go forth, be brave, loyal, and successful! And may it be our office to light a fresh beacon-fire on the venerable walls of Harvard, sacred to Truth, to Christ, and to the Church,—to Truth Immortal, to Christ the Comforter, to
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
titution as he understood it. Four days later he presented a memorial from the ancient Abolition Society of Pennsylvania for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act, and stated with considerable fulness its purport. Clay made some opprobrious remarks, which Sumner only noticed by saying that he was always ready to answer anything in the shape of an argument; but he did not consider any senator who did not keep within the rules as his peer. Other Southern senators who referred to him—Dawson, Bayard, and Benjamin—were entirely respectful. The last named senator, to whose kindness of manner and conformity to the proprieties of debate Sumner bore testimony, pressed him closely on the point whether he and those whose opinions he represented really recognized any constitutional obligation on the part of the free States, or of Congress, to provide for the return of fugitive slaves. Sumner declined to answer the question without a prior answer from Benjamin as to whether he was ready to sup
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
oke with the audacity which never failed him, and ascribed the Democratic defeats to the secret Know Nothing order. Fessenden, the master of an incisive style, contested Douglas's assumption as to the significance of the elections. Benjamin and Bayard spoke for the South. Butler betrayed the frequency with which he had partaken of his usual refreshment. He was called to order by Sumner for accusing Wade of falsehood; and though the point was then decided in his favor, he was shortly after dee. With great emphasis he disavowed all connection with the secret order and all sympathy with its principles and methods. Seward had just been re-elected senator against the opposition of Compromise Democrats and Know Nothings. Then followed Bayard, and at last Sumner, who denounced the bill as an effort to bolster up the Fugitive Slave Act,—a measure which was conceived in defiance of the Constitution, and was a barefaced subversion of every principle of humanity and justice; and he closed
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
him talked loosely and without premeditation. In the debate on the memorial for the admission of Kansas, April 10, he was offensive in his references to Seward, and the latter declined for that reason to recognize him by a reply. As well in the House as in the Senate the partisans of slavery often assailed Massachusetts and her people, particularly the Emigrant Aid Company, as responsible for all the disorders in Kansas, as disturbers of the national peace, and instigators of rebellion. Bayard, April 10, and Clay, April 21, in the Senate. In the Senate Collamer spoke (April 3 and 4) on affairs in Kansas and the constitutional question of the power of Congress over the Territories. Seward spoke on the 9th, when he delivered an elaborate speech already in manuscript. He avoided, as was his habit, all antagonism with senators, or a direct reply to their positions,—not so much as once referring to what any senator had said. A formal arraignment of the President as the chief pro