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Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 1 1 Browse Search
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches 1 1 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 1 1 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson 1 1 Browse Search
James Parton, Horace Greeley, T. W. Higginson, J. S. C. Abbott, E. M. Hoppin, William Winter, Theodore Tilton, Fanny Fern, Grace Greenwood, Mrs. E. C. Stanton, Women of the age; being natives of the lives and deeds of the most prominent women of the present gentlemen 1 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 1 1 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 1 1 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 1 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: March 14, 1865., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Van Buren, John 1810-1866 (search)
Van Buren, John 1810-1866 Lawyer; born in Hudson, N. Y., Feb. 18, 1810; son of President Martin Van Buren; graduated at Yale College in 1828; admitted to the bar in Albany, N. Y., in 1830; attorneygeneral of New York State in 1845-46; and for the remainder of his life practised law. He was known as Prince John, from his imposing figure and manners. He died at sea, Oct. 13, 1866. Van Buren, Martin
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Van Buren, Martin 1782-1862 (search)
Van Buren, Martin 1782-1862 Eighth President of the United States, from March 4, 1837, to March 4, 1841; Democrat; born in Kinderhook, N. Y., Dec. 5, 1782; was educated at the village academy; studied law with William P. Van Ness; and was admitted to the bar in 1803. Having a taste for politics, he early engaged in it, being a member of a nominating convention when he was eighteen years of age. In 1808 he was appointed surrogate of Columbia county, and was sent to the State Senate in 1812. From 1815 to 1819 he was attorney-general of the State of New York; and was again Senator in 1816, holding both offices at the same time. He began a new organization of the Democratic party in 1818, and became the leader of a body of politicians known as the Albany regency (q. v.). It held the political control of the State for nearly twenty years. Mr. Van Buren was elected to the United States Senate in 1821, and was also in the convention that revised the State constitution. In the lat
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), White, Hugh Lawson 1773-1840 (search)
0, and was with him when the power of the Cherokee Indians was crushed at the battle of Etowah. White is said to have decided that battle, for in the crisis of the action he shot and mortally wounded King Fisher, the leading chief, whereupon the Indians fled in all directions. White then studied law in Philadelphia, Pa., and began practice in Knoxville, Tenn.; was a judge of the Tennessee Supreme Court in 1811-17; and was elected United States Senator in 1825 and in 1831. In the convention at Baltimore, Md., May 20, 1836, when Martin Van Buren was unanimously nominated for President, Tennessee was not represented, that State having nominated Judge White for President in October of the previous year. Tie carried his State by nearly 10,000 majority and also received the electoral vote of Georgia. In 1840 he was placed upon the Whig ticket under the leadership of General Harrison, but owing to ill-health was not able to make the canvass. He died in Knoxville, Tenn., April 10, 1840.
event any unlawful interference on the part of our citizens in the contest unfortunately commenced in the British provinces, and notwithstanding the presence of the civil officers of the United States, who, by his direction, had visited the scenes of commotion, arms and ammunition have been procured by the insurgents in the United States, the proclamation proceeded: Now, therefore, to the end that the authority of the laws may be maintained, and the faith of treaties observed, I, Martin Van Buren, do most earnestly exhort all citizens of the United States who have violated their duties, to return peaceably to their respective homes, and I hereby warn them that any persons who shall compromise the neutrality of this Government by interfering in an unlawful manner with the affairs of the neighboring British provinces, will render themselves liable to arrest and punishment under the laws of the United States, &c., &c. At the request of Lord Durham, Mr. Van Buren had directed our
square miles, extending from the Sabine and Red Rivers on the east, to the Rio Grande (as some held), separating it from Mexico, on the west. The acquisition of such a vast extent of territory would give the slave states the command of the Gulf of Mexico, and insure to them the balance of political power. It would give, said Gen. James Hamilton, a Gibraltar to the South; and Texas or disunion! became the Southern war-cry. Mr. Webster, with the Whig party, opposed the annexation; and Mr. Van Buren said it would in all human probability draw after it a war with Mexico. On this question turned the election of James K. Polk, in 1844; and three days previous to the expiration of his term of office, John Tyler signed the bill for the annexation of Texas to the United States. On the 4th of July, 1845, the Texan legislature approved the bill of annexation; and on the same day Charles Sumner first came into the political arena by the delivery of his great speech on the The true grandeur
rmer of ignorance; a conservative of truths and principles, whose seat is the bosom of God; a reformer of laws and institutions, which are but the wicked or imperfect work of man: a conservative of that divine order which is found only in movement; a reformer of those earthly wrongs and abuses which spring from a violation of the great law of human progress. Blending these two characters in one, let us seek to be at the same time Reforming Conservatives, and Conservative Reformers. Martin Van Buren having been nominated as a presidential candidate by the Free-soil party at the Buffalo Convention, a meeting to ratify the same was held at Faneuil Hall on the twenty-second day of August, when Mr. Sumner said, It is no longer banks and tariffs which are to occupy the foremost place in our discussions, and to give their tone, sounding always with the chink of dollars and cents, to the policy of the country. Henceforward protection to man shall be the true American system. . . .
stake. Never name a child after a living man. This is the counsel I give always, and most sincerely. Who knows that I may not fall? I, too, may grow faint, or may turn aside to false gods. I hope not; but this is one of the mysteries of the future. Therefore name your boy some good Christian name (it may be Charles, if you will; for that is general); but do not compel him to beat all his days a label which he may dislike. I once met a strong anti-slavery youth who bore the name of Martin Van Buren. He was born while New York sat in the presidential chair; and his father named him after the chief of the land. But the youth did not find the sentiments of the late Mr. Van Buren such as he wished to be associated with. Ever yours, Charles Sumner. Steadily intent on the elevation of the African race, Mr. Sumner made in the Senate, July 12, 1867, a powerful plea for securing the elective franchise to the colored citizens of the North. How can you look the rebel States in t
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches, Frank W. Bird, and the Bird Club. (search)
lish magazines than from any serious study of his own. He was naturally much more of a Democrat than a Whig, or Federalist, but he opposed the doctrine of State Rights, declaring that it was much more responsible for the Civil War than the antislavery agitation was. The same political exigency which roused James Russell Lowell also brought Francis William Bird before the public. In company with Charles Francis Adams he attended the Buffalo convention, in 1848, and helped to nominate Martin Van Buren for the Presidency. He was, however, doing more effective work by assisting Elizur Wright in publishing the Chronotype (the most vigorous of all the anti-slavery papers), both with money and writing; and in a written argument there were few who could equal him. He appears to have been the only person at that time who gave Elizur Wright much support and encouragement. In 1850 Bird was elected to the State Legislature and worked vigorously for the election of Sumner the ensuing winter
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 1: Theodore Roosevelt and the Abolitionists (search)
heodore Roosevelt as a nonpartisan — of one of the leading political parties of the day. There were but two of them — the Whigs and the Democrats. In failing to support one or the other of these parties, and giving their votes and influence to a new one that was founded and constructed on Anti-Slavery lines, the Abolitionists, in Mr. Roosevelt's opinion, committed a political crime. Now, for what did those parties stand in 1840? Who were their presidential candidates in that year? Martin Van Buren was the candidate of the Democrats. He had been for eight years in the offices of Vice-President and President, and in that time, in the opinion of the Anti-Slavery people of the country, had shown himself to be a facile instrument in the hands of the slaveholders. He was what the Abolitionists described as a doughface --a Northern man with Southern principles. As presiding officer he gave the casting vote in the Senate for the bill that excluded Anti-Slavery matter from the United S
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 3: Thurlow Weed's discovery-the Jeffersonian and the Log Cabin (search)
ime editing a newspaper had a fight on his hands, not so desperately against overdue notes as against a most powerful political opposition. That man was Thurlow Weed, and his opposition, known as The Albany Regency, included such leaders as Martin Van Buren, William L. Marcy, and Silas Wright. Weed had founded the Albany Evening Journal in March, 1830, and for several years had not only written all its editorial articles, but had reported the legislative proceedings, selected the miscellany, c rich richer and the poor poorer. Weed has been severely criticized for the defeat of Clay in the National Convention of 1839. Clay received early assurance that Weed was warmly and zealously in favor of his election, and Shepard, in his Martin Van Buren, says that the slaughter of Henry Clay had been effected by the now formidable Whig politicians of New York, cunningly marshaled by Thurlow Weed. Weed did work against the election of Clay delegates to the convention, but he did so because
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