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John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison, Epilogue (search)
ict. But such appraisements are either the aftermath of partisan feeling, or they are the judgments of men who have not realized the profundity and the complexity of the whole movement — the inevitability not only of the outcome, but of the process. That Garrison should have disapproved of the entry of Abolition into party politics, and that he should have raved like a hen upon the river bank when he saw the ducklings he had hatched rush into political waters; that the great intellect of Calhoun should have been driven forward by a suicidal logic into theories that were at war with the world's whole inheritance of truth; that Webster should have been now right, now wrong, or the Supreme Court now enlightened by a flickering compassion or again overshadowed by the Spirit of Crime;--such facts as these are parts of the great story, and can hardly be handled or sampled by themselves, hardly separated, even for a moment, from their context. The private judgments which we are tempted
John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison, Index (search)
.; 21, 108, 123. Bradford, Gamaliel, 127, 128. Bright, John, quoted, 249; 96, 251. British working-classes, and G., 249, 250; and the Civil War, 250. Broadway Tabernacle, Anti-slavery meeting at. See Rynders Mob. Brougham, Henry, Lord, quoted, in Thompson, 92. Brown, John, and Northern opinion, 257. Buchanan, James, 23, 258. Buffum, Arnold, 71. Bunyan, John, 35. Burleigh, C. C., quoted, in Boston Mob, 116; 73. Buxton, Thomas F., 245, 246. Cairnes, J. E., 251. Calhoun, John C., 7, 23, 140, 158, 193, 208. Canterbury, Conn., Crandall case at, 70 if. Chamberlain, Daniel H., quoted, 243. Channing, William Ellery, and the slavery question, 26 f., 87, 88; and Abolition, 27, 28, 81-86; and Follen, 29, 30; and the theory of association, 31; G. at his church, 31, 32, Ioo, 129, 133, 174, 224. Charleston, S. C., postoffice at, broken into, 104, 105. Charleston Courier, 187. Cincinnati Convention (1853), 160. Civil War, the, 4, 59, 60. Clarkson, Thoma
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 6: return to New York journalism (search)
gitation and discussion were the daily occupation of editors, politicians, and statesmen. Missouri Compromises, Wilmot Provisos, the Omnibus Resolutions, Squatter Sovereignty, the Nebraska Bill, the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the prohibition of slavery in the territories, the dissolution of the Union, the preservation of the Union, were subjects of absorbing interest more or less constantly under discussion. The great public men of the period were Clay, Webster, and Calhoun; while Benton, Dayton, Davis, Douglas, Crittenden, Sumner, Foote, Seward, and Mangum were lesser lights; but each was striving in his own way to compose the differences between the sections by compromises and arrangements, which it was hoped would not only save the Union, but would also save slavery where it legally existed, and put an end forever to the discussion of the slavery question. Each did his part according to his lights, but still the agitation went on with ever-increasing inte
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 8: declaration of principles (search)
far as known, this is the earliest suggestion on the subject which reached the public. It was not till several years later that it was carried into practical effect by Pullman and others. Near the close of this year the Tribune made a declaration which Dana repeated many years afterwards more than once in the columns of the Sun. That it was original with him cannot be positively stated, but it savors strongly of his sententious style: We are Free-Traders, but not of the school of Calhoun, Jeff Davis, Franklin Pierce, and the National Era. We are Free-Traders just as we believe in the millennium. About the same time a New York publication, in the interest of the book trade, came out with a general charge of corruption against the Press, which was at once resented by the Tribune as utterly unfounded and without justification. It has been repeated with many variations frequently since, against one or another of the leading New York dailies, but whatever else may be said,
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 9: Dana's influence in the tribune (search)
meeting every question as it arose, bravely and squarely, without any visible shadow of selfish or personal bias. The death of Senator Benton, in April, 1858, was followed by an appreciative editorial in the Tribune analyzing his character, pointing out both its weak and its strong points, praising his courage, his integrity, his morality, his fidelity, and his great personal force, but giving him small credit for real statesmanship or mental ability when compared with Clay, Webster, and Calhoun. During the entire period of Buchanan's administration the Tribune cultivated close relations with Seward, Collamer, Chase, Fessenden, Hale, Sunnier, Henry Wilson, and all the other rising men of the Republican party. A warm and devoted friendship grew up between them, with Dana as well as with Greeley. The paper was their chief support, as well as their chief means of reaching their constituents through a friendly interpretation. Under Dana's special guidance it had also come to be
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 23: period of reconstruction (search)
rom the start just and sympathetic towards the South, he warned the Southerners to give no credence to the thought of revolution in the North, and to dismiss the idea that the Northerners were a race of fanatics, Jacobins, agrarians, mercenaries, and cowards. He pointed out that the war had to a certain extent exorcised this fantasy, but expressed the prophetic fear that the exorcism would not be complete nor the delusion wholly disappear till a new generation should arise who know not John C. Calhoun and Jefferson Davis. Meanwhile the ignorant and credulous should understand that whatever shall happen in regard to the impeachment of the President, no party or creed in the North has the remotest idea of resorting to a revolution even on the reduced scale of a riot, in order to redress any real or imaginary grievances. He added: If there had ever been a latent purpose, in one mind in a million, to apply this remedy under any imaginable circumstances, the terrible failure of th
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Index (search)
eneral, 350. Buffalo, 3, 5, 6, 8-10, 12, 16, 17, 23, 27, 30. Bullard, Ann, 1. Bull Run, 166, 168, 171, 175, 178, 263. Burke, orthodox minister, 22. Burnside, General, 253, 254, 256, 257, 258, 269, 271, 272, 286, 287, 294, 310, 320, 324. Butler, General Benjamin F., 147, 322, 328-332, 334-336, 349, 352, 400, 461, 462, 465, 483, 484. Butterfield, General, 278. C. Caret, 94. Cadwallader, S., 232. Cairo, Illinois, 190-192, 194, 204, 213, 219, 240, 246, 247, 275, 276. Calhoun, John C., 98, 140, 152, 389. California, 120; Lower, 126. Calvin, 59. Cambridge, 9, 12, 16, 17, 19, 20, 22-24, 30, 56. Cameron, Simon, 170, 178. Campbell, Lew, 144. Canada, annexation of, 133. Canby, General, 348, 356, 366. Carlisle, 463, 464, 465, 510, 511. Carlyle, 21, 56. Carnot, 66. Caroline, the, 8. Carter, Robert, 172, 173. Cass, Lewis, 125. Cavaignac, General, 64, 66, 67, 72, 74, 75, 86, 87, 89. Cavalry, Bureau, 303, 304, 306, 307; Corps, Military Division
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 1: his early years and first employment as a compositor (search)
nfesses that he was an ardent politician when he was not half old enough to vote. His newspaper apprenticeship gave him his first opportunity to share in political discussion, and aid in the work of a campaign. John Quincy Adams was President, Calhoun Vice-President, and Henry Clay Secretary of State when Greeley went to East Poultney, and public feeling was seething over the charge that there had been a corrupt bargain between Adams and Clay. In the national election of 1828 Calhoun was theCalhoun was the candidate for Vice-President on the Jackson (Democratic) ticket, and Adams and Rush headed the National Republican ticket. We Vermonters were all protectionists, wrote Greeley; the Northern Spectator was an Adams paper of the partizan type, and on election day Poultney gave Adams 334 votes and Jackson only 4. Greeley was also greatly interested in the Antimasonry political movement, sympathizing with the opponents of the secret order, and maintaining his opposition to such organizations thr
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 6: the tariff question (search)
al pride — the feeling of free sovereignty among the people --had not been stifled and destroyed by gradual and almost imperceptible encroachments upon their rights during the last twelve years, a voice would go forth from the heart of the nation which would drive to his duty the weak man whose selfish ambition now turns him from it. because of provisions for the distribution among the States of the proceeds of land sales, and finally signing one which was decidedly protective, but which Calhoun declared was passed more to make a political issue than to please the manufacturers. This opinion was certainly in line with Greeley's recommendation. From that time to the date of his nomination for President, Greeley, with the Tribune at his back, was the foremost advocate of a protective tariff in this country, addressing a larger constituency than any of the tariff advocates in Congress. He was early recognized as an authority on the subject, Weed placing only Hezekiah Niles above
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 7: Greeley's part in the antislavery contest (search)
Texas was sent to Washington to complete the negotiations. Before his arrival Upshur had been killed by the explosion on the frigate Princeton; in March, 1844, Calhoun took his place; and on April 12 the treaty was signed and ten days later sent to the Senate, where, on June 8, it was defeated by a vote of sixteen yeas to thirtyth would ever mean disunion, and he was not to be coerced by the threats of what he considered to be the voice of only the actual slave-owners. With a speech by Calhoun in the Senate as a text, the Tribune said on June 29, 1848: Thanks to a kind providence, and the manly straightforwardness of John C. Calhoun, the great queJohn C. Calhoun, the great question of the extension or non-extension of human slavery under the flag of this republic is to be pressed to a decision now. . . . Human slavery is at deadly feud with the common law, the common sense, and the conscience of mankind; nobody pretends to justify it but those who share in its gains and its guilt. God, Man, Nature, Rel
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