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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 18 (search)
ton, and been openly avowed ever since Fillmore. No man was to receive any office who was not sound on the slavery question. You remember the debate in the Senate, when that was distinctly avowed to be the policy of Mr. Fillmore. You remember Mr. Clay letting it drop out accidentally, in debate, that the slaveholders had always closely watched the Cabinet, and kept a majority there, in order to preserve the ascendency of slavery. This is the policy which, in the course of fifty years, has built up the Slave Power. Now, how is the Republican party ever to beat that power down? By reversing that policy, in favor of freedom. Cassius Clay said to me, five years ago: If you will allow me to have the patronage of this government five years, and exercise it remorselessly, down to New Orleans; never permit any one but an avowed Abolitionist to hold office under the Federal Government, I will revolutionize the Slave States themselves in two administrations. That is a scheme of efficien
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 19 (search)
two things will happen,--the oak will die, or the vase break. Our acorn swelled; the tiny leaves showed themselves under the calm eye of Washington, and he laid down in hope. By and by the roots enlarged, and men trembled. Of late, Webster and Clay, Everett and Botts, Seward and Adams, have been anxiously clasping the vase, but the roots have burst abroad at last, and the porcelain is in pieces. [Sensation.] All ye who love oaks, thank God for so much! That Union of 1787 was one of fear; wsand millions of dollars — the value of their slaves — to keep the peace. 2d. They will have enough to do to attend to the irrepressible conflict at home. Virginia, Kentucky, Missouri, will be their Massachusetts; Winter Davis, Blair, and Cassius Clay, their Seward and Garrison. 3d. The Gulf States will monopolize all the offices. A man must have Gulf principles to belong to a healthy party. Under such a lead, disfranchised Virginia, in opposition, will not have much heart to attack P
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
clue to the number of slaveholders. Slaveholders were never enumerated in a United States census; but the Southerner, De Bow, who superintended that of 1850, estimated the total number at 347,525, or, excluding the hirers of slaves, 186,551. This would make an average holding of 17, whereas the Kentucky average reported to Palfrey and Jay was 22, and seemed too low to apply to the South at large, as the size of gangs increased going Gulfward (Lib. 20: 38). In a speech delivered in 1844, Cassius Clay said, 31,495 only [of the then population of Kentucky] the Auditor's books show to be slaveholders (Ms. June 11, 1888, C. M. Clay to Gen. Fayette Hewitt, Auditor of Kentucky; and see Greeley's Life of C. M. Clay ). De Bow's estimate for the same State, in 1850, hirers included, was 38,385. Clay, again, in a letter to the National Republican Convention at Pittsburg of Feb. 22, 1856 (Lib. 26.41), put the Southern slaveholders at 300,000, but De Bow's larger estimate was generally current—
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 13: the Bible Convention.—1853. (search)
recognition in the Liberator. Mr. Lib. 23:[83]. Garrison, therefore, took his place without scruple beside Charles Sumner, John G. Palfrey, Horace Mann, Henry Wilson, Anson Burlingame, Richard H. Dana, Jr., John Jay, and Joshua Leavitt. On Cassius Clay's offering the toast—The True Union: To Benton, to Bryant, to T. H. Benton. W. C. Bryant. W. H. Seward. H. Greeley. Seward, to Greeley, to Garrison, to Phillips, to Quincy— the union of all the opponents of the propaganda of slavery, there were loud calls for Garrison, who responded with peculiar felicity, paying just tributes to Hale and to Lib. 23.74. Clay, The first meeting of Garrison and C. M. Clay, whenever it took place, was not as early as 1844, as the latter records in his Autobiography (1: 99; see Lib. 16: 23). I said to him: Why, Garrison, I had expected to see a long-faced ascetic; but I see you patriots are jolly, sleek fellows—not at all debarred of the good things of life. He replied, in the same vein: And ther<
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans), The civil history of the Confederate States (search)
elles, of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb Smith, of Indiana, Secretary of the Interior; Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, Postmaster General; and Edward Bates, of Missouri, Attorney General. The selections made by President Lincoln from among his recent rivals in the contest for the presidential nomination created some comment Thaddeus Stevens pronounced the new cabinet an assortment of rivals appointed from courtesy, an Indiana stump speaker, and two members of the Blair family. Cassius Clay said that Lincoln had offered him in writing the post of secretary of war, and that he had relied on the promise, but Seward and the Southern Whigs persuaded the President not to make the appointment. Weed, Wade and Lovejoy feared that the cabinet would surrender to the South, while border State supporters of Mr. Lincoln did not like the selection of Blair or Bates. But although Mr. Lincoln had many cabinet troubles, there was evident shrewdness in this selection of his advisers. Th
He makes the same appeal to this same sentiment that was made by George Third and his ministers nearly a century ago. Cassius Clay, the advocate of universal freedom, the radical Democrat, the Red Republican, signalizes his landing upon European soind!" To all which the Times quietly replies: "If any one doubts the force of this demonstration we are sorry for it, for Mr. Clay has no other to offer." Having exhausted statistics and cajolery, our newly-fledged diplomatist next employs a litt and main against the North. Without bringing out this plain view of the case, the Times contents itself with asking if Mr. Clay "is quite sure that his hundred millions will be members of the same Confederacy." Mr. Clay is too highly delightedions will be members of the same Confederacy." Mr. Clay is too highly delighted with himself not to be proud of his own letter; but we doubt if the shrewder head of Mr. Seward did not shake a little on seeing his new Russian Minister in print.
an be avoided. A shrewd New England man said this morning that all Charleston has to do is to declare itself a free port; the Yankees will do the rest. Uncle Sam may impose as many embargoes on the port as he pleases, but the Yankees will fool him to death, and soon we shall find the whole Northwest running to Charleston to buy goods free of duty. I have it from most reliable authority that Lincoln has decided on the following men as Southern (1) members of his Cabinet, to wit: Cassius Clay, Edward Bates and Frank Blair. The South has little to hope from constitutional advisers of this sort. Weed is expected here hourly. Seward, on the pretence of going to see his family, had a three-day's confab with Weed, who at once pushed off to have an interview with Lincoln, and now comes post haste to the Federal city, bringing, it is supposed, a compromise of some kind with him. Mr. Douglas, it is said, will at an early day advocate the plan of cutting off New England. I
cords of its butcheries, shall we seek for a parallel to this?" On Tuesday we gave a very important article from the Paris "Pays," of the 7th June, in which that paper declared that insanity seemed to rule at Washington city. The Pays is a semi-official paper, and its views are considered in consonance always with those of the Emperor. It is exceedingly caustic upon the Lincoln Government. Referring to its truculent tone in its dispatch to Mr. Dayton, the bombast and effrontery of Cassius Clay and Adams, and the Lincoln ultimatum of war against any European power which will take part in this quarrel, the Pays quietly says, "unable thus far to conquer the confederate States, it (the Washington Government) pretends to be prepared to carry on a war, if necessary, with the whole world. Had we not reason for remarking, as we did at the beginning of this article, that the most singular insanity appears to rule at Washington city?" The keen sarcasms of the Pays, so high in the F
rs, who ought to dangle at the yard-arm, and that John Bull must be as John Ketch, to hang them, and must decline at his peril. John smiles at the "peril," and does decline. We wonder what would satisfy the North. If we, at the bidding of Mr. Cassius Clay, shut our eyes to plain truths, and decide that the American war is no war at all, but a riot, and that the belligerents are not belligerents, but simply an insurgent crowd, why then, we must, in accordance with international law, refuse to acknowledge any right of blockade — a refusal which, we fear, would suit Mr. Clay and his masters worse than our present position. But can our Government take such ground? Can we say that where the clergy, magistrates, Senators, and all classes of the people, are of one mind for separation, and where an army of 100,000 men, an active aggressive navy, and a President and Senate, are ready to enforce the general wish, that there is, notwithstanding such facts, no secession, no separation, and no