Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition.. You can also browse the collection for Dickinson or search for Dickinson in all documents.

Your search returned 15 results in 7 document sections:

epid counsellors; but during the absence of Franklin, Pennsylvania fell under the influence of Dickinson. His claims to public respect were indisputable. He was honored for spotless morals, eloquendiate cessation of trade. The latter proposition was received with loud and general murmurs. Dickinson conciliated the wavering merchants by expressing himself strongly against it; but he was heardand when the colonies are once united in councils, what may they not effect? At an early hour Dickinson retired from the meeting, of which the spirit far exceeded his own; but even the most zealous ing in the general cause, and they appointed a committee of intercolonial correspondence, with Dickinson as its chief. On the next day, Dickinson, with calculating reserve, embodied in a letter toDickinson, with calculating reserve, embodied in a letter to Boston the system which, for the coming year, was to form the policy of America. It proposed a general congress of deputies from the different colonies, who, in firm but dutiful terms, should make
rmed these proceedings and ratified the choice of delegates. Don't pay for an ounce of the tea, was the reiterated message from South Carolina. The convention of Pennsylvania, which was but Chap. VI.} 1774. July. an echo of the opinion of Dickinson, recommended an indemnity to the East India company, dissuaded from suspending trade, and advised the gentler method of a firm and decent claim of redress. The idea of independence they disowned and utterly abhorred. If Britain on her side woto the acts of navigation, and also to settle an annual revenue on the king, subject to the control of parliament. These views, which were intended as instructions from the people to the men who might be chosen to represent them in congress, Dickinson accompanied with a most elaborate argument, in which with chilling erudition the rights of the colonies were confirmed by citations from a long train of lawyers, philosophers, poets, statesmen, and divines, from the times of Sophocles and Arist
ts had not had the right to elect their king; that American claims were derived from the British constitution rather than from the law of nature. But Sherman of Connecticut deduced allegiance from consent, without which the colonies were not bound by the act of settlement. Duane, like Rutledge, shrunk back from the appeal to the law of nature, and founded the power of government on property in land. Behind all these views lay the question of the power of parliament over the colonies. Dickinson, not yet a member of congress, was fully of opinion that no officer under the new establishment in Massachusetts ought to be acknowledged, but advocated allowing to parliament the regulation of trade upon principles of necessity, and the mutual interest of both countries. A right of regulating trade, said Gadsden, true to the principle of 1765, is a right of legislation, and a right of legislation in one case is a right in all; and he denied the claim with peremptory energy. Amidst suc
urtesy as of a triumph, though at a later day the congress struck the proposal from its record. With this defeat, Galloway lost his mischievous importance. At the provincial elections in Pennsyl- Oct. 1. vania, on the first day of October, Dickinson, his old opponent, was chosen almost unanimously a representative of the county. Mifflin, though opposed by some of the Quakers as too warm, was elected a burgess of Philadelphia by eleven hundred votes out of thirteen hundred, with Charles Thomson as his colleague. The assembly, on the very day of its organization, added Dickinson to its delegation in congress, Chap. XII.} 1774. Oct. and he took his seat in season to draft the address of that body to the king. During the debates on the proper basis of that address, letters from Boston announced that the government continued seizing private military stores, suffering the soldiery to treat both town and country as declared enemies, fortifying the place, and mounting cannon at i
nd congress was appointed for May, at which all the colonies of North America, including Nova Scotia and Canada, were invited to appear by their deputies. The ultimate decision of America was then embodied in a petition to the king, written by Dickinson, and imbued in every line with a desire for conciliation. In the list of grievances, congress enumerated the acts, and those only which had been enacted since the year 1763, for the very purpose of changing the constitution or the administrati liberty. One such freeman must possess more virtue, and enjoy more happiness, than a thousand slaves; and let him propagate his like, and transmit to them what he hath so nobly preserved. Chap. XIII.} 1774. Oct. Delightful as peace is, said Dickinson, it will come more grateful, by being unexpected. Washington, while he promoted the measures of congress, dared not hope that they would prove effectual. When Patrick Henry read the prophetic words of Hawley, after all we must fight, he raise
in their address to the people of British America. In the address to the people of Great Britain, it was even said that the Roman Catholic religion had dispersed impiety, bigotry, persecution, murder, and rebellion through every part of the world. But the desire of including Canada in the confederacy compelled the Protestants of America to adopt and promulgate the principle of religious equality and freedom. In the masterly address to the inhabitants of the province of Quebec, drawn by Dickinson, all old religious jealousies were condemned as low-minded infirmities; and the Swiss cantons were cited as examples of a union composed of Catholic and Protestant states. Appeals were also made to the vanity and the pride of the French population. After a clear and precise analysis of the Quebec act, and the contrast of its provisions with English liberties, the shade of Montesquieu was evoked, as himself saying to the Canadians: Seize the opportunity presented to you by Providence i
eming independence, now that independence was become inevitable, they postponed the irrevocable decree and Chap. XXXVI.} 1775. May. still longed that the necessity for it might pass by. In this state of things the man for the occasion was Dickinson, who wanted nothing but energy to secure to him one of the highest places among the statesmen of the world. Deficient in that great element of character which forms the junction between intelligence and action, his theoretic views on the rightssity of armed resistance, united, he said, we are well able to repel force by force. Thus he encouraged the revolution, yet wishing independence, not as a victory of one party over another, but as the spontaneous action of a united people. Dickinson, therefore, for the time, exercised an unbounded sway over the deliberations of congress, and had no cause to fear an effective opposition, when he seconded the motion of Jay for one more petition to the king. For a succession of days the stat