hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
The Daily Dispatch: July 23, 1864., [Electronic resource] 11 1 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2 10 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 7 1 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 4 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 4 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 4 0 Browse Search
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches 4 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 4 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 12. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 4 4 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 3 3 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Your search returned 88 results in 34 document sections:

1 2 3 4
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 10 (search)
These and all other public questions will bear a good deal of discussion at the proper time; but it is not friendly, nor neighborly, nor just, to open a broadside of invective against these and similar features in a Republican form of Government, when that government is engaged in fighting for its own preservation. Two or three years ago a similar course of policy was pursued by the bulk of the English press against the person of the Emperor Napoleon, when Lord Palmerston, Lord Russell, Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. Bright-politicians of the most opposite views — declared in Parliament that if these attacks were continued, it would be impossible to preserve peace between England and France. These attacks were not levelled so much at the people of France as at the head of the chief personage in the State; but the French nation felt insulted when their monarch was assailed, though they might have serious grounds of dissatisfaction with him themselves. It is the same with every nation. We ar
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler, Chapter 1: lineage and education. (search)
igor, by breeding in and in, is patent from the well-known condition of the royal families of Europe, among whom there has been so much intermarrying for many years that hardly a reigning monarch in Europe has had any considerable influence in the conduct of affairs of his own government because of his inferior intellectual qualities. And so far as health and vigor of body is concerned, many people of the royal families can scarcely be said to have a leg to stand on. Wellington, Napoleon, Disraeli, and Bismarck directed the affairs of Europe, if not of the world, more than all the monarchs of their century; and the people govern America. The nobility of England, it is but just to say, stands higher in physical beauty and strength, and in intellectual force, than any other peerage in Europe. But it would long since have died out from inanition, had it not maintained itself by very frequent marriages with the yeomanry and the peasant classes, and by constant accessions from the com
James Barnes, author of David G. Farragut, Naval Actions of 1812, Yank ee Ships and Yankee Sailors, Commodore Bainbridge , The Blockaders, and other naval and historical works, The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 6: The Navy. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller), The blockade (search)
revailing rate in the merchant service before the war. Officers and crews were paid in like proportion. Coal was worth $20 a ton instead of $4, as formerly. The whole expense of the trip was from three to four times what it would have been in time of peace, and yet a single cargo of cotton was worth from a quarter of a million to a million dollars, and the freight rates in and out ranged from $300 to $1,000 a ton. It was too alluring a business to be deterred by difficulty and danger. As Disraeli remarked, the exploits of the blockade-runners increase our respect for the energy of human nature. A late capture--December, 1864--flying the British flag In this blockade-runner is seen the type of vessel in which foreign capital was lavishly invested. She is still flying the British flag, under which she plied her trade, and appears to have been the property of a syndicate of British merchants. In the early stages of the war the Confederacy purchased a number of vessels abroad
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Jews and Judaism. (search)
eed, be said with some show of truth that this pliability is the weak side in the Jewish character. The readiness of the Jew to be almost anything and not simply his own self has been one of the factors producing a certain ill will against him. Disraeli was the most jingo of all imperialists in England; Lasker, the most ardent advocate of the newly constituted German Empire. This pliability is the result of the wandering life he has led and the various civilizations of which he has been a partr character. In Germany they have been blamed for exploiting the agricultural class and for serving the interests of the Liberal party, forgetting that Leo and Stahl, the founders of the Orthodox party in Prussia, were themselves Jews, and that Disraeli in England was born of the same race. The most foolish accusations on almost every conceivable subject have been lodged against them by such men as Allwart, Sticker, Lueger, and Drumont; and in late years the old and foolish charge that the Jew
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Lamar, Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus 1825-1893 (search)
ion to those measures. Thus, I repeat, by a policy which drew one race to its support and drove the other into opposition, the separation of the two was produced without the voluntary agency of either and against the natural tendencies of both. [Mr. Lamar here entered into a discussion of the Presidential election in Louisiana in 1876, and then continued:] Sir, this race problem is capable of solution. Two English statesmen such as Lord Derby and Earl Russell, or Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli, could agree upon a basis of settlement in three days; and we could do the same here but for the interposition of the passions of party in the contest for the power and emoluments of government. It could be settled in this District and throughout the South without abridging universal suffrage or subjecting either race to the control of the other. Take the question out of national politics and it can be settled on a basis which would consolidate all the rights of the black man, make him
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Westminster Abbey. (search)
yler. The Rev. Dr. Phillips Brooks, one of Dean Stanley's dearest friends, was invited by the Prince of Wales to be present as a representative of America at a meeting of the executive committee to carry out the Stanley memorial. Coming back into the abbey from the chapter-house, give a glance at the long series of statesmen so many of whom were intimately concerned with the fortunes of America. There are Palmerston, who sent the troops to Canada after the Slidell and Mason affair; and Disraeli; and Canning, who used the proud sen- The Earl of Chatham's monument, Westminster Abbey. tence, I called the New World into existence to redress the balance of the Old ; and Chatham, his eagle face kindling with the passion with which he pleaded the rights of the colonists. There, too, lies Wilberforce, whose benevolent principles were practically the great question at stake in the American Civil War, and from whom the American abolitionists W. Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips dre
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865, Chapter 50: (search)
d the land-holding and agricultural interests of the country, formerly led by the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, and latterly by the Earl of Derby and Mr. Disraeli—sympathized deeply with the conservative attitude of the people of the Confederate States. Although not in power during the war, the Tory party was strong and vigorous. It retired from control of the government, Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli resigning in June, 1859, on account of the question between Austria and Italy, and it came into office again, succeeding the Palmerston-Russell Administration, in June, 1866. The parties were nearly balanced, and any blunder on the part of one plaight into Parliament, with almost a certainty that the Whig ministry would have been speedily voted down, and the Conservative administration of Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli placed in power. And there can be little doubt that that administration would promptly have entered into such a treaty. Even the Whig Foreign Secretary, Lord
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches, Longfellow (search)
Of Adam Bede he says: It is too feminine for a man; too masculine for a woman. He says of Dickens, after reading Barnaby Rudge : He is always prodigal and ample, but what a set of vagabonds he contrives to introduce us to! Barnaby Rudge is certainly the most bohemian and esoteric of Dickens's novels. He liked much better Miss Muloch's John Halifax, --a popular book in its time, but not read very much since. He calls Charles Reade a clever and amusing writer. We find nothing concerning Disraeli, Trollope, or Wilkie Collins. Neither do we hear of critical and historical writers like Ruskin, Matthew Arnold, Carlyle, and Froude. He went, however, to call on Carlyle in England, and was greatly impressed by his conversation. The scope of Longfellow's reading does not compare with that of Emerson or Marian Evans; but the doctors say that every man of forty knows the food that is good for him, and this is true mentally as well as physically. He refers more frequently to Tennyson t
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches, Sumner. (search)
retension, and arrogance of the old French nobility. They were a self-deluded class of men, of all classes the most difficult to deal with, and Sumner was the Mirabeau who faced them at Washington and who pricked the bubble of their Olympian pretensions by a most pitiless exposure of their true character. Those men had come to believe that the ownership of slaves was equivalent to a patent of nobility, and they were encouraged in this monarchical illusion by the nobility of Europe. In Disraeli's Lothair an English duke is made to say: I consider an American with large estates in the South a genuine aristocrat. The pretension was ridiculous, and the only way to combat it was to make it appear so. Sumner characterized Butler, of South Carolina, and Douglas, of Illinois, who was their northern man of business, as the Don Quixote and Sancho Panza of an antiquated cause. The satire hit its mark only too exactly; and two days later Sumner was assaulted for it in an assassin-like mann
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 2: first experiences in New York city-the New Yorker (search)
quent additions of postscripts to the folio edition, giving intelligence received by the mails after the first edition had gone to press. In later years the literary pages contained original stories-Dickens's Barnaby Rudge being printed as a serial (appearing also in the Tribune)-and increased space was devoted to book reviews. In an article contesting an argument that the best British writers of the day were superior to the best American writers, the editor thus expressed his opinion of Disraeli: Himself an open libertine in life, we regard his works as among the most monstrously absurd, and at the same time abominably pernicious, of the distorted and depraved pictures of fashionable description in European high life that we ever unsuccessfully attempted to endure to the end. Greeley contributed to the New Yorker and to other periodicals of the day a number of poems over his initials. They were of varied merit, some of them showing quite as much of the poetic fire as do c
1 2 3 4