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Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 2 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 2 0 Browse Search
James Barnes, author of David G. Farragut, Naval Actions of 1812, Yank ee Ships and Yankee Sailors, Commodore Bainbridge , The Blockaders, and other naval and historical works, The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 6: The Navy. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 2 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Henry Walcott Boynton, Reader's History of American Literature 2 0 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 2 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: June 10, 1862., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: January 1, 1862., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 1 1 Browse Search
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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
gn that the President would listen to them. There are but two questions now that interest the public: (1) The question of reconstruction, including of course the question of the suffrage; and (2) The execution of Jeff. Davis. I notice the cry for Jeff. Davis in England. This is the present form of sympathy for the rebellion. He does not deserve it. And yet I wish that his life should not be touched. It was painful to read what was said in Parliament on the President's death, except by Disraeli. Derby was wicked. Russell was drivel. It was a beautiful and masterly speech which Stansfeld James Stansfeld, who entered Parliament in 1859, and is still (1893) a member. made at the public meeting. That speech, if made by Russell, would have been as good as the payment of our claims. I have not the pleasure of knowing him; but I wished to thank him as I read it. The case was stated admirably. To R. Schleiden, June 27:—-- You will be pained to hear that poor Seward has be
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
of some who are afraid of being taken for upper servants. Again, May 27:— Your reform discussions are a perpetual mystification. You seem to be splitting hairs instead of asserting principles. It cannot be that so important a question as whether a citizen shall have a voice in the government can depend on such narrow considerations and technicalities of property. Who but the learned can ever know how to define a compound householder ? It seems to me that the present success of Disraeli will drive you to place the suffrage on absolute principles, where I am sure it belongs. For a long time I was perplexed by the subtlety so often presented that the suffrage was a privilege and not a right, and being a privilege it was subject to such limitations as the policy or good — will of the legislature chose to impose. The more I think of it, the more it seems to me an essential right, which government can only regulate and guard, but cannot abridge. All just government stands o
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard), Chapter 3: (search)
n the least. June 22.—I dined with Murray, and had a genuine booksellers' dinner, such as Lintot used to give to Pope and Gay and Swift; and Dilly, to Johnson and Goldsmith. Those present were two Mr. Duncans, Fellows of New College, Oxford, Disraeli, author of the Quarrels and Calamities of Authors, Gifford, and Campbell. The conversation of such a party could not long be confined to politics, even on the day when they received full news of the Duke of Wellington's successes; and, after they had drunk his health and Blucher's, they turned to literary topics as by instinct, and from seven o'clock until twelve the conversation never failed or faltered. Disraeli, who, I think, is no great favorite, though a very good-natured fellow, was rather the butt of the party. The two Duncans were acute and shrewd in correcting some mistakes in his books. Gifford sometimes defended him, but often joined in the laugh; and Campbell, whose spirits have lately been much improved by a legacy
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 12. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Within a Stone's throw of independence at Gettysburg. (search)
ng Advertiser. I am able to speak with knowledge on this subject; and I affirm, without fear of contradiction, that Mr. Disraeli, although never committing himself—as Mr. Gladstone and Lord John Russell did—to the principles for which the Southernhe capital by General Lee's troops, it seemed hopeless to restrain the pent — up feelings of the House of Commons, and Mr. Disraeli saw his opportunity. I had frequent conversations with him on the subject, and I perfectly recollect his saying tod the Union, and from that day not another word was heard in Parliament about recognition. A few days afterward I saw Mr. Disraeli, and his exact words were: We nearly put our foot in it. Now the leader of the Tory opposition may have been right But these two noblemen would have been powerless against the overwhelming feeling of the bulk of the Tory party, and Mr. Disraeli, had Lee been triumphant at Gettysburg, would undoubtedly have carried the House of Commons and the country with him. <
"Thirty-Seven." --Thirty-seven is a perilous age for artists and poets; it was fatal to Raphael, Mozart, Burns and Byron. Ten years later, or forty-seven, has been equally remarked as a critical period in a soldier's and a statesman's life. It marked the turning point in the career of Dr. Arnold, Disraeli, Lord Palmerston, and Wellington, was at the age at which Napoleon was banished to St. Helena, and very nearly which was fatal to Pitt, Spencer, Addison, Goldsmith and Hood; an illustration of the incompatibility of intensive and extensive life.
y a partial application, restricting it in fact to the moral world. We are prone to believe that it embraced much more than we are apt to imagine. For instance, the art of printing is regarded as an invention entirely modern. And so indeed it is, in so far as an art formerly known, afterwards utterly lost, and revived without any knowledge of its previous existence on the part of the person reviving it, may be considered an invention of that person, and so we certainly regard it. Yet Disraeli, the elder, in his "Curiosities of Literature, " stoutly maintains that the Romans were acquainted with the art of printing, and that they intentionally prevented it from being practised. Rome is often appealed to as the example of a republic. In point of fact, the Roman Commonwealth seems to us to have been the most thorough oligarchy that ever existed, except, perhaps, the Venetian. The rulers had no notion of allowing to be practised an art which they had the wisdom to foresee would d
the flag of England insulted.-- (Loud cheers.) This country had at first been misled by the Northern States, thinking they were making war for a principle dear to us, the abolition of slavery, but it was a mere pretence. Before a month was over our starving artisans would feel the effect of what was after all, but a paper blockade. The Northern States had treated us with open contempt. They had committed a gross outrage in seizing on the island of St. Juan; and now, because we had borne with them, they had violated the British flag, ever held sacred, and the asylum which Britain ever afforded. He did not believe that England wished for peace at any price--(cheers) --and referring to the idea promulgated by the United States newspapers, he quoted the speech recently delivered by Mr. Disraeli on this subject. He thought that when Lord Palmerston was at the head of affairs, and Earl Russell was Foreign Minister, the honor and dignity of England would remain unimpaired. (Cheers.)
e rites of Easter, is to marry the Princess Sina, has arrived at Vienna, from Paris. A man, or beast, in London, drank a pint of rum the other day, and then died. The deaths registered in London for one week were 1,252, which is 54 below the average. [from Punch] Toast and Sentiment.--Our ironsides — the navy and women of England. Naval Racing Intelligence--Britannia has entered her Sea-horses for the plate. The Attack and the Defence.--Gladstone's Budget against Disraeli's Hum-budget. A Seeming Good Question.--(By a Poor Point )--What is the difference between a coal pit and a coat? Why, the seams of the one always are black, and the seams of the other too often are white. The Hindoo custom of suttees was abolished by the British Government a good many years ago; yet the women seldom marry a second time, it is said, and so punish themselves as much as they can by a continuance whish all Christian widows do not imitate. Canning, the English state
pain may probably view with much discontent the threatened occupation by France of a former dependency, to the loss of which she has never wholly resigned herself, and which bus a little while ago she entertained apparently no unreasonable hope of regaining. But Spain, although risen far above the decrepitude of the earlier part of the century, is probably neither able nor willing to do more than withdraw from partnership in the French expedition. Three of the great powers of Europe, as Mr. Disraeli says, immersed in domestic difficulties, and unable to assert themselves in controlling the affairs of foreign countries. * * * We can, however, with the utmost sincerity, assure the French nation that we view its occupation of Mexico, on whatever terms it may take place, without the slightest jealousy or ill will, and that we shall rejoice in its success. To Mexico itself a French occupation would be an almost unmixed benefit. A prayer from Cuba for protection from America.[fr
ities necessary is committed in such a and that want is as plainly due to the possibility of the Northern population. There is no King in Israel, and the reason is that American democracy cannot tolerate even the royalty of intellect. Mr. Disraeli on the War. On the 17th ult., Mr. Disraeli delivered a speech at an agricultural show at Buckingham, in which he made the following allusion to the war in America: It is impossible for us to consider the condition of the manufacturinMr. Disraeli delivered a speech at an agricultural show at Buckingham, in which he made the following allusion to the war in America: It is impossible for us to consider the condition of the manufacturing population in the North of England at a moment when so ourselves are enjoying the great blessings which we now do, without feeling the conviction that the time may come when it may become our duty to advance to assist our fellow countrymen, (Hear, hear.) It is quite unnecessary on this occasion to speculate on the causes of this unexampled distress, but it is a distress, we must which has not been occasioned at their by any jolly of their own or any visitation of Providence, but by the pass
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