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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
views on this subject were known to all my friends. I have ever entertained a strong attachment to the Constitution and the Union. I am a Constitutionalist and a Unionist, but have felt it to be our duty at the North, according to the words of Franklin, to step to the very verge of the Constitution in discouraging every species of traffic in our fellow-man. I think you will join me in this opinion. In the autumn of 1845, when the question arose of the annexation of Texas with a slaveholding and,—without any apparent concert or knowledge of each other, form an era in political science. To George Sumner, August 5:— I have just finished the diary of old John Adams, which is to me deeply interesting. He shows little faith in Franklin or in Vergennes. Bancroft works hard upon his History, and will put two volumes to press this winter, beginning with 1767, the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. It will be a very brilliant work. Sparks is also plodding at his history of the Revoluti
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
y could. Of course, Boston Whiggery is aroused against me. There were for several days uneasy stomachs at the chances of my success. . . . It is very evident that a slight word of promise or yielding to the hunkers would have secured my election,—it would now if I would give it; but this is impossible. The charge used with most effect against me is that I am a disunionist; but the authors of this know its falsehood,—it is all a sham to influence votes. My principles are, in the words of Franklin, to step to the verge of the Constitution to discourage every species of traffic in human flesh. I am a constitutionalist and a unionist, and have always been. The Free Soilers stood resolutely upon their nomination, and presented it as their first and last one. Sumner, however, all along signified his entire readiness for the substitution of another candidate; and in order that his feelings might not be mistaken, he addressed a letter, February 22, to Wilson, Works, vol. II. pp.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
d; and that nowhere under the Constitution can the nation, by legislation or otherwise, support slavery, hunt slaves, or hold property in man. Referring to the recent political conventions, he said:— And now an arrogant and unrelenting ostracism is applied, not only to all who express themselves against slavery, but to every man unwilling to be its menial. A novel test for office is introduced which would have excluded all the fathers of the republic,—even Washington, Jefferson, and Franklin! Yes, sir; startling it may be, but indisputable. Could these revered demigods of history once again descend upon earth and mingle in our affairs, not one of them could receive a nomination from the national convention of either of the two old political parties! Out of the convictions of their hearts and the utterances of their lips against slavery they would be condemned. The remaining and principal part of his speech, consuming two hours and a half, was an arraignment of the Fugiti
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
city of accuracy, whether in stating the Constitution or in stating the law, whether in details of statistics or diversions of scholarship. He cannot ope his mouth but out there flies a blunder. Surely, he ought to be familiar with the life of Franklin; and yet he referred to this household character, while acting as agent of our fathers in England, as above suspicion,—and this was done that he might give point to a false contrast with the agent of Kansas, not knowing that, however the two may differ in genius and fame, they are absolutely alike in this experience: that Franklin, when intrusted with the petition of Massachusetts Bay, was assaulted by a foul-mouthed speaker where he could not be heard in defence, and denounced as thief, even as the agent of Kansas is assaulted on this floor, and denounced as forger. And let not the vanity of the senator be inspired by parallel with the British statesmen of that day; for it is only in hostility to freedom that any parallel can be fou