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Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fifth joint debate, at Galesburgh, October 7, 1858. (search)
les alike in the North and in the South, in the free States and in the slave States, but it cannot even proclaim them in the same forms, and give them the same strength and meaning in all parts of the same State. My friend Lincoln finds it extremely difficult to manage a debate in the center part of the State, where there is a mixture of men from the North and the South. In the extreme Northern part of Illinois he can proclaim as bold and radical Abolitionism as ever Giddings, Lovejoy, or Garrison enunciated, but when he gets down a little further South he claims that he is an old line Whig, a disciple of Henry Clay, and declares that he still adheres to the old line Whig creed, and has nothing whatever to do with Abolitionism, or negro equality, or negro citizenship. I once before hinted this of Mr. Lincoln in a public speech, and at Charleston he defied me to show that there was any difference between his speeches in the North and in the South, and that they were not in strict ha
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Sixth joint debate, at Quincy, October 13, 1858. (search)
t, because the negro stood on an equal footing with the white man ; that if one man said the Declaration of Independence did not mean a negro when it declared all men created equal, that another man would say that it did not mean another man ; and hence we ought to discard all difference between the negro race and all other races, and declare them all created equal. Did old Giddings, when he came down among you four years ago, preach more radical Abolitionism than this? Did Lovejoy, or Lloyd Garrison, or Wendell Phillips, or Fred Douglass, ever take higher Abolition grounds than that? Lincoln told you that I had charged him with getting up these personal attacks to conceal the enormity of his principles, and then commenced talking about something else, omitting to quote this part of his Chicago speech which contained the enormity of his principles to which I alluded. He knew that I alluded to his negro-equality doctrines when I spoke of the enormity of his principles, yet he did n
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore), 1861, July (search)
ter-General of the Confederate States, issued a decision, in reference to the transmission and delivery of newspapers and periodicals through the mails in the Southern States.--(Doc. 141.) The Memphis Appeal of this date ingeniously culls various expressions of several northern men to prove that the present war is solely a war of abolition, and that this object long hidden begins now gradually to appear. Among the persons it quotes are, Abraham Lincoln, W. H. Seward, H. J. Raymond, Lloyd Garrison, and Wendell Phillips.--(Doc. 142.) In the House of Representatives at Washington, Mr. Potter from the Select Committee on the loyalty of Government employees made a special report.--(Doc. 143.) To-day at Washington, two general orders were issued by General Scott. The first directs that all searches for arms, traitors, or spies, and arrests of offenders, in any military department, shall only be made by authority of the Commander of the department, except in cases of urgent n
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore), 1861, August (search)
nd of Col. Sanderson, left the camp near New Albany, for Indianapolis, and thence for the seat of war in Missouri.--Louisville Journal, August 16. Governor Buckingham, of Connecticut, calls upon the loyal and patriotic citizens of that State to organize in companies for four regiments of infantry. --(Doc. 187.) Upon the refusal of Colonel Burke, the officer in command at Fort Lafayette in New York harbor, to produce his prisoners in court in response to a writ of habeas corpus, Judge Garrison of Kings Co., N. Y., who issued the writ, made formal application to General Duryea of the militia in Brooklyn to ascertain what force could be obtained by the county to execute the writ. General Duryea informed the sheriff that about fourteen hundred men could be raised, but that the county was in possession of no artillery sufficiently powerful to make an impression on the works, and that it would require between five and ten thousand men to take them.--N. Y. Evening Post, August 15.
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 9. (ed. Frank Moore), A nice Nest of secesh women. (search)
s article on the right of States to secede, and a powerful tirade against the doctrine of coercion. Twenty-five thousand copies of said paper, containing the poem, commencing, Tear down the flaunting lie, and having reference to the emblem of American liberty, the glorious Stars and Stripes. One thousand copies of Wendell Phillips's works treating of the diseases incident to the negro when suffering from the effects of mental excitement and Robinson County whisky. One volume of Lloyd Garrison's sermons, wherein is discussed the probability of leasing the waste land in the moon for the purpose of building contraband camps thereon, and devising some means by which the circumference of Humphrey Marshall may be diminished. One million copies of soft-soap Beecher's flattering eulogies on Stonewall Jackson, who killed several thousand Federal soldiers, and his bitter abuse of that patron saint of piety, Vallandigham, who never killed a man in his lifetime. The moral to be had f
John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison, Chapter 1: introduction (search)
e minds of Washington, Franklin, and the other patriots. Now the light by which we to-day see the Anti-slavery period was first shed on it by one man-William Lloyd Garrison. That slavery was wrong, everyone knew in his heart. The point seen by Garrison was the practical point that the slavery issue was the only thing worth thinGarrison was the practical point that the slavery issue was the only thing worth thinking about, and that all else must be postponed till slavery was abolished. He saw this by a God-given act of vision in 1829; and it was true. The history of the spread of this idea of Garrison's is the history of the United States during the thirty years after it loomed in his mind. From the day Garrison established the LiberaGarrison's is the history of the United States during the thirty years after it loomed in his mind. From the day Garrison established the Liberator he was the strongest man in America. He was affected in his thought by no one. What he was thinking, all men were destined to think. How had he found that clew and skeleton-key to his age, which put him in possession of such terrible power? What he hurled in the air went everywhere and smote all men. Tide and tempest serv
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 17: Colonization (search)
rticular views. For this service the man selected was William Lloyd Garrison, who was then but twenty-eight years old. Remarkable it was g to enter upon such an undertaking was almost as remarkable. But Garrison showed no hesitation in accepting the task for which he was selected. On his arrival in England, Garrison sent a challenge to the colonization agent for a public debate. This the Colonizationist refused to more challenges were sent and were treated in the same way. Then Garrison, at a cost of thirty dollars, which he could ill afford to pay, pu so far treated. Of course, public interest was aroused, and when Garrison appeared upon the public platform, as he at once proceeded to do, a hurry, and was nevermore heard of in that part of the world. Garrison's personal triumph was very striking, and it was splendidly earned a number of distinguished persons who were to be present. When Mr. Garrison presented himself, his entertainer, who had not before met or se
Charles E. Stowe, Harriet Beecher Stowe compiled from her letters and journals by her son Charles Edward Stowe, Chapter 20: George Eliot. (search)
tred and fear through half the Union. From that time until we talked together about the Fugitive Slave Law, there was not a pause or stop in the battle till we had been through the war and slavery had been wiped out in blood. Through all he has been pouring himself out, wrestling, burning, laboring everywhere, making stump speeches when elections turned on the slave question, and ever maintaining that the cause of Christ was the cause of the slave. And when all was over, it was he and Lloyd Garrison who were sent by government once more to raise our national flag on Fort Sumter. You must see that a man does not so energize without making many enemies. Half of our Union has been defeated, a property of millions annihilated by emancipation, a proud and powerful slave aristocracy reduced to beggary, and there are those who never saw our faces that, to this hour, hate him and me. Then he has been a progressive in theology. He has been a student of Huxley, and Spencer, and Darwin,--en
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2, Chapter 7: the World's Convention.—1840. (search)
e women from America, sat. I found her out to have infidel notions, and resolved at once, narrow-minded or not, not to give her the prominent place I first intended. I will reserve that for a beautiful believer in the Divinity of Christ. Lloyd Garrison comes to-day. I'll try him, and this shall be my method of ascertaining the real heart. Garrison sat, and I succeeded and hit him. I asked him, and he met me at once directly. George Thompson said he saw no objection. But that was not eGarrison sat, and I succeeded and hit him. I asked him, and he met me at once directly. George Thompson said he saw no objection. But that was not enough. A man who wishes to place the negro on a level must no longer regard him as having been a slave, and feel annoyed at sitting by his side. Upon the heels of this sitting, the first of the following letters must have been despatched: B. R. Haydon to W. L. Garrison. June 30th, 1840. Ms. I shall not sacrifice your fine head to a background; therefore, still with the women (I put you life size). Come alone the next time, and spend as much time as you can—in fact, dine with
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 5: Bennington and the Journal of the Times—1828-29. (search)
ing, We believe nothing but death can prevent his election. The Gazette was of course exultant over the departure of the rival editor, and the labors of My Lloyd Garrison were reviewed in a satirical communication signed A Yankee. It was written by John S. Robinson, who became Governor of Vermont in 1853,—the only Democraticby James Brown Yerrinton. Afterwards (1841-1865) the printer of the Liberator. Mr. Goodell had become thoroughly aroused on the slavery question, and he and Mr. Garrison took many a walk together on Boston Common, discussing anti-slavery projects. They also called upon a number of prominent ministers to secure their cooperatio following year it was removed to New York; but after a time Mr. Goodell was compelled to relinquish the publication, owing to inadequate support. In June, Mr. Garrison accepted an invitation from the Congregational societies of the city to deliver a Fourth of July address at Park-Street Church, in the interests of the Coloniz
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