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Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Li. (search)
in painting your beautiful portrait, you took your idea of me from my principles, and not from my person Among the visitors, the same afternoon, were William Lloyd Garrison and Theodore Tilton. In the Editorial notes, concerning the convention and nominations, in his newspaper, the New York Independent, the following week, Mr. Tilton wrote:-- On his reception day, the President's face wore an expression of satisfaction rather than elation. His reception of Mr. Garrison was an equal honor to host and guest. In alluding to our failure to find the old jail, he said,--Well, Mr. Garrison, when you first went to Baltimore you couldn't get out; but thMr. Garrison, when you first went to Baltimore you couldn't get out; but the second time you couldn't get in! When one of us mentioned the great enthusiasm at the convention, after Senator Morgan's proposition to amend the Constitution, abolishing slavery, Mr. Lincoln instantly said,--It was I who suggested to Mr. Morgan that he should put that idea into his opening speech. This was the very best word
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Index. (search)
82. Field, Rev. H. M., 135. Florida Expedition, 48. Ford. Hon. Thomas. 296. Forney. Colonel. 267. Forrek, Edwin, 114. Frank, Hon. A., 218. Freedmen, 196. Fremont, 47, 220, 221. G. Gamble, Governor, 242. Garfield, General, 240. Garrison, 167. Gilbert, Wall Street Assessor, 255. Goldsborough, Admiral, 240. Grant, General, 56, 57, 265, 283, 292. Greeley, 152. Greene, W. T., 267. Gulliver, Rev. J. B., Reminiscences, 309. H. Halpine, Colonel, 63, 278 Hammond, Surgnious nonsense, 158; husked out 158; letter to Lovejoy Monument Association, 160; Massett, 160; Christian Commission, 162; renomination, 162; apparition, 164; Mrs. Lincoln, 164, 293, 301; speech to committee from Baltimore Convention, and William Lloyd Garrison, 167; Mrs. Cropsey, 168; and soldiers, 169; reprieves, 171; a handsome President, 174; idiotic boy, 176; Andersonville prisoners, 178; retaliation, 178; Fessenden, 182; McCulloch, 184; religious experience, 185-188; rebel ladies, 189; Col
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 9: proceedings in Congress.--departure of conspirators. (search)
able attachment to it; that we should watch for its preservation with jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. With greater bitterness Mr. Clemens denounced the Abolitionists, and quoted from the writings and speeches of William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips, in which they advocated a dissolution of the Union. All hail disunion I cried Phillips, in one of these. Sacrifice every thing for the Union? God forbid I Sacrifice every thing to keep South Carolina in it? Rather build a bridge of gold and pay her toll over it. Let her march off with banners and trumpets, and we will speed the parting guest. Let her not stand upon the order of her going, but go at once. Give her the forts and arsenals and subtreasuries, a
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 21: slavery and Emancipation.--affairs in the Southwest. (search)
o make it; but wanted to read it to them for any criticism or remarks as to its Features or details. After having done so, Seward suggested whether it would not be well to withhold its publication until after we had gained some substantial advantage in the field, as at that time we had met with many reverses, and it might be considered a cry of despair. He told me he thought the suggestion a wise one, and so held over the Proclamation until after the battle of Antietam. --Letter to William Lloyd Garrison, February 22, 1864. The President prayerfully considered the matter, and within a week after the battle of Antietam he issued Sept. 22 a preliminary proclamation of emancipation, in which he declared it to be his purpose, at the next meeting of Congress, to again recommend pecuniary aid in the work of emancipation and colonization to the inhabitants in States not in rebellion. He then declared that on the first of January next ensuing, the slaves within every State, or designat
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Vi. Slavery under the Constitution. (search)
e South to have no more emancipation. Let them continue in bondage as they now exist, as the best condition of both races. moral culture, and social well-being — the idea of liberating individuals or families from this subjugation, and sending them from peaceful, plentiful, and prosperous America to benighted, barbarous, and inhospitable Africa, became, in this view, a transparent absurdity. No disciple of Calhoun could be a logical, consistent colonizationist, any more than a follower of Garrison and Wendell Phillips. The constantly and widely diverging currents of American opinion soon left the Colonization movement hopelessly stranded. The teachings of the new Southern school tended palpably toward the extirpation from the South of the free-negro anomaly, through reenslavement rather than exile. Legislative efforts to decree a general sale of free negroes into absolute slavery were made in several States, barely defeated in two or three, and fully successful in one. Arkansas, i
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 9 (search)
ion Slave-holders condemn Slavery Virginia Benjamin Lundy Wm. Lloyd Garrison. the General Congress which convened at Philadelphia in 17nists, but made the acquaintance, at his boarding-house, of William Lloyd Garrison, a fellow-boarder, whose attention had not previously been nsed from the Life of Benjamin Lundy, by Thomas Earle. William Lloyd Garrison, born in obscurity and indigence, at Newburyport, Massachusen defeated, its publication was soon afterward discontinued. Mr. Garrison was, about this time, visited by Lundy, and induced to join him timore, receiving, at one election, more than nine hundred votes. Garrison, in his first issue, insisted on immediate and unconditional Emanced by Henry Clay. Separating himself from Lundy and The Genius, Mr. Garrison now proposed the publication of an anti-Slavery organ in Washingm with the disunion of Wendell Phillips, the radicalism of Henry C. Wright, and the infidelity of Pillsbury, Theodore Parker, and Garrison.
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., X. The churches and Slavery. (search)
excuse, the un-Orthodox, irreverent, and infidel tendencies which have been so freely, and not always unreasonably, ascribed to the apostles of Abolition. These have justly felt that the organized and recognized religion of the country has not treated their cause as it deserved and as they had a right to expect. The pioneers of modern Abolition were almost uniformly devout, pious, church-nurtured men, who, at the outset of their enterprise, took the cause of the slave Witness Lundy and Garrison at Boston, 1828. to the Clergy and the Church, with undoubting faith that it would there be recognized and by them adopted as the cause of vital Christianity. Speaking generally, they were repulsed and resisted, quite as much to their astonishment as their mortification; and the resulting estrangement and hostility were proportioned to the fullness of their trust, the bitterness of their disappointment. Alas! they had been friends in youth; But whispering tongues can poison truth, And
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 11 (search)
the most eminent clergyman in New England, appeared among the champions of Free Speech. Professor Follen concluded, and was followed by Samuel E. Sewall, William Lloyd Garrison, and William Goodell — the last-named stigmatizing the demand of the South and its backers as an assault on the liberties of the North. Mr. Bond, a Bostotable mob, composed in good part of merchants, assailed a meeting of the Female Anti-Slavery Society, while its President was at prayer, and dispersed it. William Lloyd Garrison, having escaped, was found concealed in a cabinet-marker's shop, seized and dragged through the streets with a rope around his body, threatened with tar af you want to oppose Slavery, why do n't you go where it is? has been triumphantly asked many thousands of times. Mr. Love-joy did exactly this — as Lundy, and Garrison, and many others had done before him — and only left a Slave for a Free State when such removal was imperatively demanded. Why do n't you keep clear of the fana<
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 20 (search)
itical action against it. But he was too earnest a man, and too devout a Christian, to rest satisfied with the only action against Slavery consistent with one's duty as a citizen, according to the usual Republican interpretation of the Federal Constitution. It teaches that we must content ourselves with resisting the extension of Slavery. Where the Republicans said, Halt! John Brown shouted, Forward! To the rescue! He was an Abolitionist of the Bunker Hill school. He followed neither Garrison nor Seward, Gerrit Smith nor Wendell Phillips; but the Golden Rule and the Declaration of Independence, in the spirit of the Hebrew warriors, and in the God-applauded mode that they adopted, The Bible story of Gideon, records a man who betrayed him, had manifestly a great influence on his actions. He believed in human brotherhood and in the God of Battles; he admired Nat Turner, the negro patriot, equally with George Washington, the white American deliverer. He could not see that it was
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 28 (search)
Xxviii. Fort Sumter. Hesitation futile negotiations attempt to provision order to open fire bombardment commenced fire returned Interior of the fort in flames Wigfall's volunteer embassy Anderson surrenders Garrison leaves for New York Dixie jubilant. whether the hesitation of the Executive to reinforce Fort Sumter was real or only apparent, the reserve evinced with regard to his intentions was abundantly justified. The President, in his Inaugural Address, had kindly and explicitly set forth his conception of the duties and responsibilities assumed in taking his oath of office. No man of decent understanding who can read our language had any reason or right to doubt, after hearing or perusing that document, that he fully purposed, to the extent of his ability, to maintain the authority and enforce the laws of the Union on every acre of the geographical area of our country. Hence, secessionists in Washington, as well as South of that city, uniformly denounced t
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