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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
Horatio Seymour, and Chancellor Walworth; Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 388-393, 51ght to reduce them to submission by force. Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 395, 396. Jven the right of free speech was assailed. Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 363-367. Bege. At last Massachusetts is herself! Horace Greeley, appalled with the prospect of civil war wov. 9, 26, 30, Dec. 17, 1860; Feb. 23, 1861. Greeley says in his History that several other Republater, in the New York Tribune, Aug. 23, 1865, Greeley explained his position in 1860-1861. The Bosed, on the other hand, contemporaneously with Greeley's prompt declaration, proposed to reach a peaning Journal, November 30, December 1 and 15; Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. p. 360; Weed's e nonprohibition of slavery south of 36° 30'. Greeley afterwards questioned the wisdom of the overtch a cause as the nation's could not fail. Greeley's despairing state of mind at times is reveal
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
desired the President to call for colored troops, even before the Act of July 17, 1862, which expressly authorized them. Speech in the Senate, Feb. 10, 1864; Works, vol. VIII. p. 90. The two men, President and senator, were unlike in temperament, unlike in theoretic positions; and the one had a weightier responsibility than the other. The President kept his eye intent on saving the Union, and would have saved it, if it had been the shorter way, without freeing any slave. Letter to Greeley, Aug. 22, 1862. Sumner was as intent as the President on the same end; but in his belief there was from the first no way to it except through emancipation; and although opposed to beginning a war for emancipation, he would not after the Confederacy had taken up arms have welcomed any settlement which did not absolutely insure the freedom of every slave. The question may be safely left to this and other generations, in a country without a master or a slave, governed by one law of liberty a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 47: third election to the Senate. (search)
nt of labor, boundless in resources, terribly in earnest; in John G. Whittier, who dwelt upon the many sides of his character and his various attainments, his stainless life, with no use of his high position for his own personal emolument; in Horace Greeley, who in leaders in the Tribune set forth the importance to the whole country of his re-election, laying stress on his character for integrity and sincerity, respected alike by enemies and by friends, and who later in an article in the Indepenand Illinois. Several causes contributed to this disaster,—chiefly the want of success in the field, the incidents of increased taxation, derangement in the currency, and the imminency of a draft. The disaster on the Rappahannock was at hand. Greeley gives the opinion in his History that during the year following July 4, 1862, a majority of the people, outside of the soldiers in the field, would have voted for peace, and a still larger majority against emancipation. Vol. II. p. 254. This
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
nation which promises a Jena. Again, January 23:— There can be no armistice, although Greeley has favored mediation, to which an armistice must be an incident. The war will go on. The storby the last resolution, to our ministers abroad to be communicated to foreign governments. Mr. Greeley had advocated in the New York Tribune the submission of the questions involved in the contest only, but of civilization. Sumner wrote to E. L. Pierce, Beaufort, S. C., July 1:— Horace Greeley, sometimes called General Greeley, is the author of General Gillmore's appointment. To thGeneral Greeley, is the author of General Gillmore's appointment. To the Department of the South. . . . There will be no change there until he has had his trial. Hooker was relieved at his own request; but he was led to make the request by a disagreement with Halleck. The Address drew forth approval from the journals of the country, nearly always unqualified. Mr. Greeley made it the subject of a contribution to the Independent of New York. It called out gratefu
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
u, and there was more or less distrust of the measure among Republicans. Horace Greeley wrote Sumner, Feb. 7, 1865, in opposition to the measure. Sumner pressed it as the national election approached, were dissatisfied with his candidacy. Greeley's American Conflict, vol. II. p. 655; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Powublican convention, which was advocated in the New York Evening Post Both Mr. Greeley and Mr. Bryant joined with a committee to request the Republican national co. D. Kelley as supporting the principles of the party rather than Mr. Lincoln. Greeley thought Mr. Lincoln already beaten, and that another ticket was necessary to sthe position of Senator Collamer and John Jay. With Sumner, as with Bryant and Greeley and all other patriotic men, the question was settled by the Chicago treason. er, Mr. Lincoln's honest critics became his sincere eulogists,—notably Bryant, Greeley, Bancroft, Andrew, and Sumner. Sumner read to the writer, in May, 1865, at
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
similar purport passed the House; but he could not, against the obstruction of interested parties, get his resolution or the House bill before the Senate. Horace Greeley in a letter to Sumner, June 26, 1864, approved this effort, and wished the bill pressed in the Senate; and a similar testimony came from James M. Scovil of Neto the senator, against any interference by Congress, stating that he was the owner of one thousand shares of the stock of the company which held the monopoly. Mr. Greeley attacked the monopoly in a leader printed in the New York Tribune, July 31. 1865. The next session he made, February 14, 1865, an elaborate argument against theer's chief sympathizers at this time were the old Abolitionists and Free Soilers, with here and there men of radical ways of thinking, like Wayne MacVeagh and Horace Greeley. The latter advocated during the summer and autumn in the Tribune, in able and earnest leaders, June 14, 15. 20, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29; July 8, 10,11, 31
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
utional law. Amnesty to the rebels was put by Greeley in the foreground; but the President could not has been inspired, and the light in which Mr. Greeley would regard any prolonged delay in an authomination seemed altogether likely; He led Greeley on all the ballots, but changes on the last oever, would have cordially accepted Adams. Horace Greeley was, however, nominated by the Liberal Repathy with the movement who refused to support Greeley were William C. Bryant, Stanley Matthews, Geoim, in various unseemly attitudes. He placed Greeley, whose personal honesty was never questioned,ips distrusted as well as personally disliked Greeley; and he added this appeal: Come home and chano your happiest speech in favor of our friend Greeley. A part of Smith's and Sumner's correspond introduce a resolution in commemoration of Mr. Greeley was defeated by Cameron's insisting on his A large body of Democrats would not support Greeley, and either voted against him or abstained fr[22 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
y at the late election. A copy was sent to him, probably as notice that he was not expected to attend. The caucus assigned no places to those who had supported Greeley. Partisanship in the Senate, the smaller body, is intensified by personal jealousy. It was more temperate at this time in the House, which insisted that Mr. Banks, though a supporter of Greeley, should retain the chairmanship of the committee on foreign affairs. The Democrats placed Schurz on the committee on foreign relations, of which he had been a member, notwithstanding his disclaimer of a political connection with them. A proposition made by Sumner in the Senate, a few moments a the Marquis de Chambrun (Scribner's Magazine, February, 1893, p. 160). At the Bird Club, Composed mostly of members, hitherto Republicans, who had supported Mr. Greeley. November 8 (Mr. Bird in the chair, with Vice-President Wilson as one of the guests) Sumner explained his battle-flag resolution, and insisted on a return to sp