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sheries of Newfoundland were known to the hardy mariners of Brittany and Normandy. Charlevoix, Hist. Gen. de la Nouv. Fr. i. 3, edition of 1744, 4 to.; Champlain's Voyages, i. 9. Navarette, &c. IVerrazzani's letter to Francis I., from Dieppe, July 8, 1524, in Hakluyt, III. 357—364, or in N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 45—60. It is also in Ramusio. Compare Charlevoix, N. F. i. 5—8. with a single carore the continent appeared in view. At length, in the latitude of Wilmington S. Miller, in N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 23. In the Libreria Strozziana in Florence, there is a copious manuscript account e covetous could discern mineral wealth in the hills of New Jersey. Hakluyt, III. 360, 361. N. Y. Hist Coll. i. 52, 53. Moulton's New York, i. 138, 139. In the spacious haven of Newport, Verrto covet their possession. Hakluyt, III. 361. Moulton's New York, i. 147, 148. Miller, in N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 25. Belknap's Am. Biog. i. 33. Leaving the waters of Rhode Island, the persev<
d cut off the hands of numbers of the natives, for punishment or intimida- Chap. II.} 1541 tion; Calveto, from Benzo, Hist. N. Orbis N. l. II. c. XIII. in De Bry, v. 47. while the young cavaliers, from desire of seeming valiant, ceased to be ; the cape to the north of it, which he places in the latitude of thirty-seven degrees, he names Cape St. John. Oviedo: Hist. Gen. L. XXI. c. IX., ed. 1852, II. 146. The bay of St. Mary is marked on all Spanish maps, after the year 1549. J. Gd, for a short season, occupied the coasts of Brazil and the harbor of 1555 Rio Janeiro, De Thou's Hist. l. XVI. Lery, Hist. Nav. in Bras. An abridgment of the description, but not of the personal narrative, appears in Purchas, IV. 1325—1347. also in De Bry, part II: Challus, or Challusius, of Dieppe, whose account I have found annexed to Calveto's Nov. Nov. Orb. Hist. under the title De Gallorum Expeditione in Floridam, 433—469: and the Spanish account by Solis de las Meras, the brother
e pinnace was swallowed up by the sea; the mariners in the Michael became terrified, and turned their prow home wards; but Frobisher, in a vessel not much surpassing Chap. III.} 1576. in tonnage the barge of a man-of-war, made his way. fearless and unattended, to the shores of Labrador. and to a passage or inlet north of the entrance of Hudson's Bay. A strange perversion has transferred the scene of his discoveries to the eastern coast of Greenland; Forster's Northern Voyages, 274—284; Hist. des Voyages, t. XV. 94—100. it was among a group of American islands, in the latitude of sixty-three degrees and eight minutes, that he entered what seemed to be a strait. Hope suggested that his object was obtained; that the land on the south was America; on the north was the continent of Asia; and that the strait opened into the immense Pacific. Great praise is due to Frobisher. for penetrating far beyond all former mariners into the bays and among the islands of this Meta Incognita, t
1691. which he prepared and sent to the company in London, Smith's letter, in Hist. i 202. is still extant, and delineates correctly the great outlines of nature.ry, i. 200 201; also, Smith's advertisements of the unexperienced, in II. Mass. Hist. Coll. III. 10. Neither had experience taught the company to engage suitable perin the policy, which had grasped at sudden emoluments; Smith, in III. Mass. Hist. Coll. III. 10—12. the enthusiasm of the English seemed Chap. IV.} 1609. exalted nominal charges to the dignity of an opulent kingdom. Smith, in III. Mass. Hist. Coll. an. 11, and Smith, II. 106. The condition of the public mind favored colo return to England. The New Life of Virginia, 1612, republished in II. Mass. Hist. Coil. VIII. 199—223, and by P. Force, 1835. The Relation of Lord De la Warre, either for commodities or goodness of soil. New Life of Virginia, II. Mass. Hist. Coll. VIII. 207. Lord Delaware and Sir Thomas Gates earnestly confirmed what Da
re Gregoire, Apologie de B. Las Casas, in Mem. de l'inst. Nat. An VIII.; and Verplanck, in N. Y. Hist. Coll. III. 49—53, and 103—105 that negroes might still further be employed to perform the severainst the state of slavery. And Paul III., in two separate briefs, See the brief, in Remesal, Hist. de Chiappa, l. III. c. XVI. XVII. imprecated a 1537. June 10. curse on the Europeans who shouca has been emphatic Walsh's Appeal, 306—342. Belknap's Correspondence with Tucker, i. Mass. Hist. Coll. IV. 190—211. in denouncing the hasty avarice which entailed the anomaly of negro slavery ity, scrambled for the convicted insurgents as a merchantable commodity. Dalrymple. Mackintosh, Hist. of the Revolution of 1688. The condition of apprenticed servants in Virginia differed from nvoy, to King James, are but a seminary to a seditious parliament. New Description, II. Mass. Hist. Coll. IX. 113. Yet the people of England, regarding only the failure of their extravagant hopes
rop's Journal, II. 77, 78. 95, 96, and 164, 165. Hubbard's New England, 410 411. Johnson, b. III. c. XI. in II. Mass. Hist. Coll. VIII. 29. Hening, i. 275. Sir William Berkeley was a courtier, and very malignant towards the way of the churches are three contemporary guides: the statutes of the time, in Hening, i.; The Perfect Description of Virginia, in II. Mass. Hist. Coll. IX. 115—117; and the Reports of the exiled Puritans, in Winthrop, II. 165. So little was apprehended, when the London, two from Bristol, twelve Hollanders, and seven from New England. New Description of Virginia, 15, in II. Mass. Hist. Coll. IX. 118. The number of the colonists was already twenty thousand; and they, who had sustained no griefs, were not tvernor continued to be claimed by the representatives of the people, Hening, i. 431. and Samuel Matthews, II. Mass. Hist. Coll. IX. 119. son of an old planter, was next 1658. honored with the office. But, from too exalted ideas of his statio
ination for embellishments. Compare II. Mass. Hist. Coll. IX. 4. Chalmers, 79, names among those ared a map of the coast, Map, in III. Mass. Hist. Coll. III. and named the country New England,. 238. Plantation of N. England, in II. Mass. Hist. Coll. IX. 6, 7. Encouraged by commercial selle. Smith, II. 205—215; and in III. Mass. Hist. Coll.; II. 20, 21. The severest privations in rs and the Westerlings, Ibid. in III. Mass. Hist. Coll. III. 21. Hubbard, 84, 85. Gorges. Purche American fisheries. Smith, in III. Mass. Hist. Coll. III. 32. Smith, II. 263. The re suits w years before, had appropriated. III. Mass. Hist. Coll. III. 20. The patent was designed to hasthe rights of a powerful company. III. Mass. Hist. Coll. III. 32. Smith, II. 263. While the Englather than in the Protestant faith. Bossuet, Hist. des Variations, i. VIII. c. III. IV. and XX Chap VIII.} 1603 country. Cobbett's Parl. Hist. V. i. p. 1504. Dissimulation is the vice o[6 more...]
,—Debates of the Commons, 1620—1, i. 258. 260, 261. 318, 319; Journal of Commons, in Chalmers, 100—102, and 103, 104; Sir F. Gorges' Narration, Morrell, in i. Mass Hist. Coll. i. 125—139; Smith, in III. Mass. Hist. Coll. III. 25; Hazard, i. 151—155. Compare Prince, Morton, Hutchinson, Belknap, and Chalmers. The determined oHist. Coll. III. 25; Hazard, i. 151—155. Compare Prince, Morton, Hutchinson, Belknap, and Chalmers. The determined opposition of the house, though it could not move the king to overthrow the corporation, paralyzed its enterprise; many of the patentees abandoned their interest; so that the Plymouth company now did little except issue grants of domains; and the cottages, which, within a few years, were sprinkled along the coast from Cape Cod to tthe principal fort, which stood in a strong position at the summit of a hill. Compare E. R. Potter's Early History of Narragalsett, 24. Williams in III. Mass. Hist. Coll. III. 133. The colonists felt that they were fighting for the security of their homes; that, if defeated, the war-whoop would immediately resound near t
e or nearly the same name, II. Massachusetts Hist. Coil VIII. 258. More probably John Hamblin; 41 magistrates of Massachusetts, III. Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 2—4. Winthrop, II. 59. Hubbard, 40615. Backus, i. 118 and ff. Eliot, in i. Mass. Hist. Coll. ix. 35—38. Knowles, 182— 189. Savage ondian labors of Roger Williams, Rhode Island Hist. Coll. i. the like whereof was not extant from him, a free and absolute charter II. Mass. Hist. Coll. ix. 185. of civil government for those pd intolerable taxations. Johnson, II. Mass. Hist. Coll. VIII 6. But the people refused to be dec N. E.'s Jonas cast up at London, in II. Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 107, &c.; E Winslow's N. E.'s Salamaent. Hutchinson's Coll. 233 and ff. Hutch. Hist. App. No. ix. x. Mass. State Papers, Case i. Fatters of a religious concernment. II. Mass Hist. Coil. i. 37 The elder Winthrop had, I believrance Felt's Salem, 188 and 533. III. Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 40. was useless. The union of church[4 more...
, II. 52—54. So, too, Mayhew of Boston. Mass. Hist. Coll. II, 35. on the execution, it remembers ts Annals of Salem, 132—151. Bentley, in Mass. Hist. Coll. VI. 250—254. London Monthly Repository,lar acquaintance. R. Boyle's letter, in Mass. Hist. Coll. XVIII. 49. Dedication of vol. XL. of t Eliot's Biog. Diet.; Roger Wolcott, in Mass. Hist. Coll. IV. 262—298. And the gratitude of Coceptacle for all sorts of consciences. Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 280. There never existed a persecutinecords. The instructions are printed in Mass. Hist. Coll. XVII. 85—87. The document is of the higileges. Commission to John Clarke, in Mass. Hist. Coll. XVII. 90, 91. It Chap. XI.} is much in to preserve the same liberty forever. Mass. Hist. Coll. XVII. 98. Nor does this rest on their owists, and Knowles's Roger Williams. The Mass. Hist. Coll. contain many useful documents, too varioProvidence is not accurate; it is in the Mass. Hist. Coll. Compare, also, Walsh's Appeal, 431, &c. [3 mor
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