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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 52 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 35 21 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 8 0 Browse Search
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches 4 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, The new world and the new book 4 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1 2 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 16. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 28. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 0 Browse Search
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Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches, Sumner. (search)
860-‘61. The impending danger was that war would break out before Lincoln could be inaugurated. Such secrecy was observed by the Republican leaders that even Horace Greeley could not fathom their intentions. Late in December John A. Andrew and George L. Stearns went to Washington to survey the ground for themselves, and the latter wrote to William Robinson, The watchword is, keep quiet. He probably obtained this from Sumner, and it gives the key to the whole situation. It demolishes Von Holst's finely-spun melodramatic theory in regard to that period of our history, in which he finally compares the condition of the United States to a drowning man who sees lurid flames before his eyes. In the Republican and Union parties there were all shades of compromise sentiment,--from those who were ready to sacrifice anything in order to prevent secession, to Abraham Lincoln, who was only willing to surrender the barren and unpopulated State of New Mexico to the slaveholders. A not un
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches, The War Governor. (search)
e thing would not do, declined with the excuse that he had supposed there would be two sides to the question. As if, said Andrew, there could be two sides to the question whether John Brown's wife and daughters should be permitted to starve. Thomas Russell, Judge of the Superior Court, sat close under the platform, clapping his hands like pistol shots. John A. Andrew's testimony before the Harper's Ferry investigating committee has a historical value which Hay and Nicolay, Wilson, and Von Holst would have done well to have taken into consideration; but the definitive history of the war period is yet to be written. There was no reason why Andrew should have been summoned. He had never met John Brown but once — at a lady's house in Boston — and had given him twenty-five dollars without knowing what was to be done with it. Jefferson Davis and the other Southern members of the committee evidently sent for him to make capital against the Republican party, but the result was differe
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 13: Marriage.—shall the Liberator die?—George Thompson.—1834. (search)
ine of immediate emancipation; the organization of antislavery societies, local and national; the discrediting of the Colonization Society, at home and abroad; the annexation, so to speak, before it had cooled off, of the profound anti-slavery sentiment of Great Britain to his struggling enterprise—the invitation to George Thompson to accept a lecturing agency in this country ranks as the last but, strategically, by no means the least. A friendly critic, however, himself a foreigner, Von Holst, Constitutional History of the United States, from the Administration of Jackson, pp. 104, 105 (pp. 107, 108, of the German original). The present translation is our own; that of the American edition being a betrayal. has declared that the national spirit (Nationalsinn) of no great people could or should have borne with equanimity this practical exemplification of the cosmopolitan vagueness and extravagance embodied in the Liberator motto, Our country is the world, our countrymen are all
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
rmined as the conspiracy itself, and to abandon political combinations which openly aided or weakly submitted to it. Von Holst, Constitutional History of the United States, vol. II. chap. VII. gives an excellent idea of the course of events, wd faith in the people—was due wholly, or almost wholly, to party considerations. Their party interests, according to Von Holst, were for all a weighty, and for many a determining, consideration. Vol. III. p. 251. They applied, or rather misapplinational election of 1848, and were prudent in taking positions likely to affect the election of the next President. Von Holst, vol. III. pp. 250-255, is emphatic in condemning the Whig opponents of the war who voted for the bill with its preambll as a minister. But that refusal was justified by the National Intelligencer Jan. 17, 1848, and has been approved by Von Holst in his History, vol. III. pp. 200-208. The division in the Massachusetts delegation upon the war bill, May 11,—Joh
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
cean. Ratified by the Senate, March 10, 1848, by a vote of thirty-eight to fifteen. The proposition made by Mexico, for a guaranty against the introduction of slavery into the ceded territory, was peremptorily rejected by our commissioner. Von Holst, vol. III p. 334. It was a domain which, even without its hidden treasures, might well be coveted, and it has wonderfully promoted national development. At the same time its acquisition aggravated a sectional controversy which was to close incquired. It passed the House with the general support of both Northern Whigs and Democrats, but a vote was prevented in the Senate by the unseasonable loquacity of John Davis of Massachusetts, who was still talking when the session expired. Von Holst, vol. III. pp. 287-289. Davis's long speech was certainly a ridiculous folly as well as a grave mistake. The struggle was renewed at the next session, 1846-1847, on appropriation bills providing the means for negotiating a treaty; but though t
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
free and Christian people, by commanding all good citizens to aid and assist in its prompt and efficient execution. Von Holst says (vol. III. pp. 554, 555): The law was so hideous that it called forth from the friends of freedom a cry of indignf its becoming an institution of new States. The territorial legislature of New Mexico in 1859 established slavery. Von Holst, vol. III. p. 500, note. Not content with assumptions and with votes against the prohibition, He voted, June 5, 185ps to New Mexico. Webster's Works, vol. II. pp. 557, 562, 571, 572; Private Correspondence, vol. II. pp. 386, 387; Von Holst, vol. III. pp. 535-541; Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp. 315, 326. His method of dealing with armed rebellion , 335, 337. Webster's Private Correspondence. vol. II. pp. 366, 370, 388, 390, 391; Webster's Works, vol. VI. p. 547. Von Holst, vol. III. p. 505. The paper drawn by Eliot and signed by Boston merchants in support of the Compromise before it was
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
e free States to acquiesce in the Compromise, and from acquiescence they soon passed to open and aggressive support. Von Holst, vol. III. pp. 505, 515, 556, 557. Theodore Parker, in a sermon on the Nebraska bill, Feb. 12, 1854 (Works, vol. v. p, well disposed to antislavery action, and hostile to the Compromise. Wilson's Rise and Fall, vol. II. p. 339. (See Von Holst, vol. IV. p. 42.) It is worthy of note that the law forbidding the intermarriage of white and colored persons had been come twenty years hence to the same result,—that of conferring honor upon its object and infamy upon its authors. See Von Holst's remarks, vol. IV. pp. 41, 42. the election of a Whig governor and of an anti-Texas Democratic senator in New Hampshiy to pursue political ends with the given political means, received in him their first representative in the Senate. Von Holst. vol. IV. pp. 42, 43. Sumner, as well he might be, felt oppressed with the high expectations that awaited his care
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
l advantage would qualify his opposition or yield a point. The peculiar and distinctive character of Sumner's position at this time has been recognized by students of political history,—G. F. Hoar, in his eulogy in the House, April 27, 1874; Von Holst, vol. IV. pp. 220, 221, biographical sketches in Johnson's Universal Cyclopaedia and Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. by Wendell Phillips and George W. Curtis respectively. He spoke no idle words; every sentence was matured; and years afterwards, Wilson wrote in his history, Vol. II. p. 355. This speech—learned, logical, exhaustive, and eloquent, worthy of the cause it advocated—placed the new senator at once among the foremost of the forensic debaters of America. Von Holst bears witness to its overpowering impression on friend and foe alike, its fervency of holy, enthusiastic conviction, its all-overcoming force of moral ideas, and to the feeling which ran both through the North and the South, that a man with a c<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
en the author's audacity would not venture a direct assertion. Von Holst (vol. v. p. 276) says: The history of the United States has not igned by him they saw themselves forever pilloried in history. Von Holst (vol. v. p. 317) says: The Sewards and Hales, Fessendens and Trueach of privilege until it had defined the privilege in a law. Von Holst (vol. v. p. .324) says that the minority report, though having o See opinions collected in Sumner's Works, vol. IV. pp. 271-280. Von Holst, vol. v, pp. 328-3:33. Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Powera frightful justification for Sumner's calling slavery a harlot. Von Holst, vol. v. p. 330. It was found not only in obscure papers printesions typified two civilizations, which confronted each other. Von Holst, vol. v. p. 331, has remarked that Brooks's act became an historever for a moment thought of placing another in his vacant seat. Von Holst has written— Massachusetts, in which the spirit of ‘76 mani
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
eces. This gives to us assurance of success. If any have inclined to a candidate who did not completely represent our principles, he can find no excuse now. Von Holst, vol. VII. p. 170. We can elect any man the convention at Chicago choose to nominate. You know that I always keep aloof from personal questions. I see no reas likely to carry the doubtful Northern States. This letter should be compared with some passages of its author's eulogy on Seward at Albany in April, 1873. See Von Holst, vol. VII. p. 163. To his own household he confessed his deposition as a leader, in the hour of organization for decisive battle, to be a humiliation. Seward began with a sneer at his sufferings, and ended with a disclaimer of any intended violence to him, which would only make him still more an idol at the North. Von Holst (vol. VII. p. 203) says: No sooner was the speech ended than Chestnut gave an astounding illustration of the demoniacal power of the barbarism just alluded to.
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