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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 212 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 64 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition. 44 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 36 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2 22 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 22 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 16 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 12 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 12 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 12 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for John Jay or search for John Jay in all documents.

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3,417     Total 40,370 Total 657,527 The documents and correspondence of the Revolution are full of complaints by Southern slaveholders of their helplessness and peril, because of Slavery, and of the necessity thereby created of their more efficient defense and protection. Henry Laurens of South Carolina, two years President of the Continental Congress, appointed Minister to Holland, and captured on his way thither by a British cruiser, finally Commissioner with Franklin and Jay for negotiating peace with Great Britain, on the 14th of August, 1776, wrote from Charleston, S. C., to his son, then in England, a letter explaining and justifying his resolution to stand or fall with the cause of American Independence, in which he said: You know, my dear son, I abhor Slavery. I was born in a country where Slavery had been established by British kings and parliaments, as by the laws of that country, ages before my existence. I found the Christian religion and Slavery
unes, who sought to embroil us in the contest then devastating the Old World. Washington, and the Federal magnates who surrounded him, were inflexibly averse to this, and baffled all attempts to involve us in a foreign war. This very naturally offended the European refugees among us, who looked anxiously to this country for interference to reestablish them in power and prosperity in their own. Hence, they generally took the lead in reprobating and stigmatizing the negotiation and approval of Jay's treaty Signed November 19. 1794; ratified by Washington, August 14, 1795. with Great Britain, whereby our past differences and misunderstandings with that power were adjusted. They were in good part politicians and agitators by trade, instinctively hostile to a government so cold-blooded and unimpulsive as ours, and ardently desired a change. Regarding them as dangerous and implacable enemies to the established policy of non-intervention, and to those who upheld it, the Alien law assum
f like character, wherein Virginia and North Carolina were honorably conspicuous. Most of the States, accordingly, prohibited the Slave-Trade during or soon after the Revolution. Throughout the war for independence, the Rights of Man were proclaimed as the great objects of our struggle. General Gates, the hero of Saratoga, emancipated his slaves in 1780. The first recorded Abolition Society--that of Pennsylvania--was formed in 1774. The New York Manumission Society was founded in 1785: John Jay was its first President; Alexander Hamilton its second. Rhode Island followed in 1786; Maryland in 1789; Connecticut in 1790; Virginia in 1791; New Jersey in 1792. The discovery that such societies were at war with the Federal Constitution, or with the reciprocal duties of citizens of the several States, was not made till nearly forty years afterward. These Abolition Societies were largely composed of the most eminent as well as the worthiest citizens. Among them were, in Maryland, Samue
t thus sanctions, was unquestionably of all persons of the race of which we are now speaking. The Chief Justice proceeds to defy history and common sense by asserting that, in the days of the fathers, even emancipated blacks were identified in the public mind with the race to which they belonged, and regarded as a part of the slave population rather than the free. He is so kind as to tell the people of the Free States that the efforts of Wesley, and Edwards, and Hopkins, and Franklin, and Jay, and all the other eminent divines, patriots, and statesmen, who appealed to their consciences and their hearts against Slavery as unjust and cruel, had no existence, or, at least, no effect — that Slavery was abolished by our fathers, not at all because it was felt to be wrong, but because it was found to be unprofitable in this particular locality. On this point, he says: (It is very true that, in that portion of the Union where the labor of the negro race was found to be unsuited to t
ggle, and in the framing of our Federal Union, is the credit justly due of having originated and firmly upheld this policy, in defiance of popular passion, and under circumstances of great difficulty and embarrassment. But Jefferson, Madison, George Clinton, Gerry, and their associate founders of the Republican party, very generally yielded to this policy a tacit, if not positive and emphatic, approval. The mob of the seaboard cities, who shouted beneath the windows of Citizen Genet, burned Jay's treaty in the streets, and clamored violently for alliance with revolutionary France and war upon Tory England, were, of course, anti-Federal; and their voices and votes helped to strengthen the Republican opposition in Congress, and to swell the steadily-growing host that, in due time, ousted the Federalists from power, by electing Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency. But Mr. Jefferson himself never shared in the blind passions by which he so largely profited. An earnest and unchanging dev
R., commands Rebel forces at Monterey, Va., 524; 526. Jackson, Gen., ( Stonewall, ) falls back before Patterson's advance, 535. Jackson, Mr., of Mass., petitions for Abolition in the Federal District. 143. Jackson, the hotel-keeper at Alexandria, kills Ellsworth, and is himself slain, 533. Jackson; see Fort Jackson and camp Jackson. Jacobins, the, their demands of the U. S., 266. Jamison, Gen. D. F., of S. C., chosen President of the Secession Convention; his speech, 344. Jay, John, his Treaty with Great Britain, 83; President of the N. Y. Emancipation Society, 107; 255; his Treaty burnt in the streets, 265. Jefferson, Thomas, 18; citation from Notes on Virginia, 21; 33; extract from the original Declaration of Independence; his reasons for the omission of a certain passage, etc., 34; 35; presents Virginia's deed of cession, 38; his Ordinance of 1784, 39; 42; 53; instructions to Livingston, 55; his diplomacy with France and purchase of Louisiana, 55-6; recommen