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William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 1,765 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 1,301 9 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 947 3 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 914 0 Browse Search
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House 776 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 495 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 485 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 456 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 410 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 405 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1. You can also browse the collection for Abraham Lincoln or search for Abraham Lincoln in all documents.

Your search returned 67 results in 8 document sections:

Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 16 (search)
Lincoln's election. Fraternity lecture, delivered in Tremont Temple, Boston, November 7, 1860 [Cheers.] We have passed the Rubicon, for Mr. Lincoln rules to-day as much as he will after the 4an Abolitionist, hardly an antislavery man, Mr. Lincoln consents to represent an antislavery idea. and creaking of wheels, then forth steps Abraham Lincoln. But John Brown was behind the curtain, s worth? I suppose you will not claim that Mr. Lincoln is better than Washington. As only Abolitir. Lincoln about it. Do you believe, Mr. Abraham Lincoln, that the negro is your political and s secondly, notwithstanding the emptiness of Mr. Lincoln's mind, I think we shall yet succeed in makdoor of the Chicago Convention. Do you see Mr. Lincoln? He believes a negro may walk where he wise who come ahind. That Convention selected Lincoln for their standard-bearer. Enough gain for os. As Lord Brougham said in a similar case,--Lincoln is in place, Garrison in power. [Applause.] R[7 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Mobs and education. (search)
lived,--he lived to repent; and later services did endear his name to the Commonwealth. There is no evidence that our more recent Mayors know even enough to be ashamed. The men of that day lived to beg pardon of the very persons they had mobbed. All Boston glorified them that month; they walked State Street in pride. But you would think me cruel, to-day, if I gibbeted their names. The hour is near, it knocks at yonder door, when whoever reminds an audience that Richard S. Fay and Mayor Lincoln broke up an antislavery meeting will be considered, even by State Street and the Courier, bitter and uncharitable, [hisses,] as eminently unchristian, in reminding the disgraced and the forgotten of their sins. What was the meeting thus assailed? It was a meeting met to discuss slavery,--a topic which makes the republic tremble, the settlement of which is identical with the surviving of our government,--a topic upon which every press, every legislature, every magistrate, south of Mas
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 18 (search)
and save the Union. At the head of this section, we have every reason to believe, stands Mr. Abraham Lincoln. All these are the actors on the stage. But the foundation on which all stand dividesbrain lives in private life on the Hudson River side. Acting under that guidance, he thought Mr. Lincoln not likely to go beyond, even if he were able to keep, the whole Chicago platform. Accordinge hot eloquence and fearless tone of those prairie speeches. He returns to Washington, finds Mr. Lincoln sturdily insisting that his honor is pledged to keep in office every promise made in the plateward I regard as a declaration of war against the avowed policy of the incoming President. If Lincoln were an Andrew Jackson, as his friends aver, he would dismiss Mr. Seward from his Cabinet. Th money, and the almost irresistible power of aristocracy. That is the Slave Power. How is Mr. Lincoln to undermine it while in the Union? Certainly, by turning every atom of patronage and pecuni
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 19 (search)
inert, unorganized West. While the agricultural frigate is getting its broadside ready, the commercial clipper has half finished its slave voyage. In spite of Lincoln's wishes, therefore, I fear he will never be able to stand against Seward, Adams, half the Republican wire-pullers, and the Seaboard. But even now, if Seward and the rest had stood firm, as Lincoln, Sumner, Chase, Wade, and Lovejoy, and the Tribune have hitherto done, I believe you might have polled the North, and had a response, three to one: Let the Union go to pieces, rather than yield one inch. I know no sublimer hour in history. The sight of these two months is compensation for a li sway, and the ballot supersedes the bullet. But let an arrogant and besotted minority curb the majority by tricks like these, and when you have compromised away Lincoln, you revive John Brown. On this point of insurrection, let me say a word. Strictly speaking, I repudiate the term insurrection. The slaves are not a herd of
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 20 (search)
do. I have always believed in the sincerity of Abraham Lincoln. You have heard me express my confidence in itother. The South opened this with cannon-shot, and Lincoln shows himself at the door. [Prolonged and enthusi stores of the North to be stolen with impunity. Mr. Lincoln took office, robbed of all the means to defend thinch towards acknowledging secession; that when Abraham Lincoln swore to support the Constitution and laws of t of the United States,--it is an absurdity; and Abraham Lincoln knows nothing, has a right to know nothing, butI go out of the Union. I cannot see you, says Abraham Lincoln [Loud cheers.] As President, I have no eyes butes and forms, when the essence is in question. Abraham Lincoln could not see the Commissioners of South Caroli she waited; she advised the government to wait. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, indicated that this would be the bunting cover Fort Sumter. They said Amen when Lincoln stood alone, without arms, in a defenceless Capital
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 22 (search)
to end the war and save slavery. I believe Mr. Lincoln is conducting this war, at present, with thl wars, -they can hardly be anything else. Mr. Lincoln is intentionally waging a political war. Heew Orleans. It was a political move. When Mr. Lincoln, by an equivocal declaration, nullifies Gente ideas, and armies are but the tools. If Mr. Lincoln believed in the North and in Liberty, he wo. And almost the same thing may be said of Mr. Lincoln,--that if he had been a traitor, he could n are the real enemies of the republic; and if Lincoln could be painted, as Vanity Fair once paintedion. Whose fault? Largely ours,--not wholly Lincoln's. He is as good as the average North, but nocapable of saying no, it would have been Abraham Lincoln. He has no stiffness in him. I said to nd Republicanism is coward [ Hear! ] that Abraham Lincoln has to stand where he does to-day. Thereople had one neck, and I could cut it! --if Mr. Lincoln could only understand this, victory would b[10 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Letter to the Tribune. (search)
g man's duty. War excuses no man from this duty: least of all now, when a change of public sentiment, to lead the administration to and support it in a new policy, is our only hope of saving the Union. The Union belongs to me as much as to Abraham Lincoln. What right has he or any official-our servants — to claim that I shall cease criticising his mistakes, when they are dragging the Union to ruin? I find grave faults in President Lincoln; but I do not believe he makes any such claim. I President Lincoln; but I do not believe he makes any such claim. I said on the 1st of August, that, had I been in the Senate, I should have refused the administration a dollar or a man until it adopted a right policy. That I repeat. Had I been, in that way, a part of the government, I should have tried so to control its action. You were bound as a journalist, I think, to have impressed that duty on the Republican party which holds the administration. Such a course is right and proper under free governments. But when Congress has decided, and under its au
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 26 (search)
it, if the government will only trust. If Mr. Lincoln could only be made to accept the line of tholonists of England where one would submit to Lincoln. General Hamilton goes to Boston, a slavehol are trying the experiment. In June, 1858, Mr. Lincoln used the language: This country is half slas own laws, and in 1861 wrote the name of Abraham Lincoln on the topmost wall of the Re public. Thgenerations, the experiment went on; and when Lincoln went to Washington, South Carolina saw the hahat one means to take the field. [Laughter.] Lincoln and Halleck,--they sit in Washington, commandlaying the foundation of Luther's character. Lincoln was born in Kentucky, and laid the foundationy is General Butler idle? Who can tell? Abraham Lincoln can't; he says he knows nothing about itmes back without a command. Why? Because Abraham Lincoln is not President of the United States, or Presidential canvass, or because behind President Lincoln, curbing his purpose, making conditions